morning update

The Star — Kibra MP Ken Okoth to introduce Bill legalising marijuana The Star — Kibra MP Ken Okoth to introduce Bill legalising marijuana 1 unchanged

20152017-02-15

Kenya's Senate receiveshears a cannabis legalisation petition

The Senate presented Gwada Ogot petitioned the Senate to remove's petition seeking cannabis from the scheduled-substances list and establishdecriminalisation, a regulator and amnesty for a legal marketprisoners. Senators debatedA further presentation is recorded on November 29. This date follows the petitionexamined February Hansard; Carrier places the broader initiative in 2017, but it2015. Presentation and committee referral did not change the law, so the index does not move.

Parliament of Kenya — Senate Hansard, 15 February 2017, pp. 11–12 Parliament of Kenya — Senate Hansard, 29 November 2017, pp. 2–3, 9 1 unchanged

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After three decades, an amendment to the Dangerous Drugs ActLaw passed on 11 August 1972 removed the compulsory prison sentence for possession and letgave courts imposediscretion: a first possession offence carried a fine of up to $1,000 or probationthree years, or both. Four days later about 200 prisoners serving mandatory sentences, most of them for ganja, were pardoned and released.

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When Musa Shafiq became prime minister,Bradford describes the transfer of counternarcotics work was moved to the interior ministry and new anti-smuggling units were created, under pressure fromamid American agents alarmed bypressure over the hashish trade with Western travellers. Arrests of smugglersReported smuggler arrests rose from 72 in 1971 to 221 in 1972 and 584 in 1973. A December 18 US memorandum records new prime minister Musa Shafiq's commitment to stronger action; the annual totals should not all be attributed to his late-year government or treated as cannabis-only convictions.

US Department of State — Action memorandum on Afghanistan narcotics control, 18 December 1972 (FRUS, document 372) 1 unchanged

A decree-law issued days after the regime suspended civil liberties gave possession for personal use the same sentence as dealing: one to five years of reclusion and a fine of ten to fifty times the highest minimum wage, against international guidance. Users kept facing prison until 2006.

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Two years after independence, police seized 7.2 tons of cannabis nationwide, against 823 k … gap in farm production. Newspapers linked the spread of smoking to urban deviance and to the political violence in the Western Region, with little evidence for that causal claim. Seizures also reflected policing capacity and attention; they do not establish a ninefold increase in consumption.

The Marijuana Conviction: A History of Marijuana Prohibition in the United States 2 unchanged

The Boggs Act putgave marijuana in the same category as heroin for sentencing and set a mandatory minimumthe narcotic drugs one scale of penalties: two to five years in prison for a first offence, and upfive to ten, for a first possessionsecond and ten to twenty for a third, each with a fine of up to $2,000. From the second offence, probation, suspended sentences and parole were barred. ManySeventeen states and Alaska passed their own "little Boggs acts" in the years that followedby 1953.

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In 1941Amid the economic distress and mass demonstrations of 1938, the rise of Rastafari and American anti-marijuana publicity, Jamaica mandatedmade prison compulsory for a first conviction for possessing, selling or growing ganja: up to one -year prison term for the possession, use and cultivationwith no option of cannabisa fine, accordingand up to Harm Reduction Internationaltwo years for a second. Any amount, however small, was taken to imply possible intent to sell. A 1972 amendment removed mandatory imprisonment.

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British Palestine passes the Dangerous Drugs Ordinancetightens its drug ordinance against hashish smoking

The Mandate ordinance banned possessingDangerous Drugs Ordinance of 1936, the latest version of the 1925 law, raised penalties for traffickers, made carrying drugs through Palestine in transit an offence, and tradingfor the first time punished keeping premises for preparing or smoking hashish and possessing pipes or other utensils for smoking it. Israel kept it after independence and re-enacted it in 1973.

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Intoxicating Zion: A Social History of Hashish in Mandatory Palestine and Israel 2 unchanged

bantightening

British Palestine passes the Dangerous Drugs Ordinancetightens its drug ordinance against hashish smoking

The Mandate ordinance banned possessingDangerous Drugs Ordinance of 1936, the latest version of the 1925 law, raised penalties for traffickers, made carrying drugs through Palestine in transit an offence, and tradingfor the first time punished keeping premises for preparing or smoking hashish across Palestineand possessing pipes or other utensils for smoking it.

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AThe League of Nations's cannabis sub-committee studied cannabis throughleft questions about the 1930s and concluded only that points still required clarification, especially its physiological, psychological and psychopathicdrug's effects unresolved during its work in the 1930s. The cited histories do not establish a specific 1935 decision; the precise year assigned to this summary remains unverified.

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A federal decree added cannabis to the list of prohibited substances. Local bans went back as far as an 1830 Rio de Janeiro ordinance aimed at enslaved Africans, who had brought the plant with them. Decree 20.930, issued at the League of Nations' request, listed Cannabis indica as the twelfth narcotic; holding it above the therapeutic dose without a prescription, or contributing to its use, carried three to nine months in prison and a fine.

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A federal decree removed marijuana from the medicines recognised by the sanitary code and … d, fifteen days in jail. Its title also placed cultivation under the new national policy. Isaac Campos dates the sanitary council's proclamation of the dispositions to 2 March 1920.

Home Grown: Marijuana and the Origins of Mexico's War on Drugs The Marijuana Conviction: A History of Marijuana Prohibition in the United States 2 unchanged

The Texas border city's ordinance was the first American measure to draw on Mexican belief … 15 and 1930 practically every state west of the Mississippi passed an anti-marijuana law. Bonnie and Whitebread date the ordinance, which banned sale and possession, to 1914, and say a fight involving a user was said to have set it off.

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Ganja had come to Jamaica with Indian indentured workers in the 1840s. Pressed by the churches and a Daily Gleaner editorial blaming ganja for crime among "coolie" labourers, the colonial legislature bannedLegislative Council added cannabis to its ratification of the Hague Opium Convention, banning growing and importing it, on pain of a fine of up to £100 or twelve months in prison. Possession and later possession and smokinguse were not yet offences. In the debate one member said Indian labourers were as entitled to their smoke as members to their cigars.

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Massachusetts acted in 1911, followed by Maine, California and Vermont. Historians now str … tle to do with Mexican immigration and reflected fears about youth, violence and madness. Bonnie and Whitebread date the Massachusetts law barring sale without a prescription to 1914, and Maine's to 1913.

The Marijuana Conviction: A History of Marijuana Prohibition in the United States 1 unchanged

1908-02-21

Explorers recordPogge and Wissmann encounter the Bashilenge's cannabis-centred Bena Riamba movement

Explorers Paul Pogge and Hermann Wissmann recorded large hemp plots andThe German explorers encountered a cannabis-centred movement among the Bashilenge whose members called themselves Bena Riamba, or sonsLuba-speaking communities of hempthe Lulua Valley. CannabisShared pipes and the communal pipe were part of initiationcannabis gardens accompanied political allegiance, travel, warfare, trade agreements and peace settlementsreligious practices, alongside coercion and warfare. ThisThe explorers depended on local allies and favoured particular leaders; their account is cultural context rather thannot a changeneutral description. The encounter did not mark the movement's founding or the arrival of cannabis in lawthe region.

The African Roots of Marijuana Sub-Saharan Africa, Cannabis, and Contemporary Drug Policy Wikipedia — Entheogenic use of cannabis

A botanical journal reports cannabis longestablished diamba cultivation in use in Sierra Leone

Hooker's Journal of Botany reported thatColonial surgeon R. O. Clarke described cannabis had long beencultivation, named preparations and shared pipe smoking in use in the interior of Sierra Leone, and claimed that its. He attributed seeds had been brought to the colony by "Congoes captured by one of our cruisers"Central Africans brought ashore after a British cruiser intercepted a slave ship, and recorded growing among several communities. The account documents an existing practice, not a securely dated first introduction.

Short notice of the African Plant Diamba, commonly called Congo Tobacco Wikipedia — Cannabis in Sierra Leone

The municipal council of Rio de Janeiro forbade the sale and use of pito de pango, cannabi … blic premises. Sellers faced a fine of 20 milreis, and any slave or other person using it upeight days in jail, according to the 1830 code as quoted by Jean Marcel Carvalho França; some secondary accounts give three days in prison. Other councils followed: Caxias in 1846, São Luís in 1866, Santos in 1870 and Campinas in 1876. It is unclear whether these directives were enforced.

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TheA report dated July 3 attributed to the head of the Drug Control Headquarters saidthe claim that gol, 'flower', the strong herbal cannabis that had replaced the older bang among urban smokers, was now theIran's second most commonly consumed drug in Iran after opium. Herbal cannabis had gained visibility alongside older hashish traditions. The statement did not change its legal status; the cited study does not supply the underlying prevalence data.

A League of Nations report countsestimates 200 million cannabis users

Squaring a Circle: Cannabis and the Dubious Legacy of the League of Nations 1 unchanged

The draft Uniform State Narcotic Drug Act was submitted to the American Bar Association in … -1930s cannabis was regulated as a drug in every state, 35 of them under the uniform act. The commissioners adopted the final draft on 8 October 1932 by 26 votes to 3, with cannabis left optional after the Federal Bureau of Narcotics gave up its push for a mandatory total ban; a state could cover it simply by adding it to the definition of narcotic drugs.

The Marijuana Conviction: A History of Marijuana Prohibition in the United States 2 unchanged

Article 281 of the Penal Code of 1940 punished dealing in narcotics, cannabis among them since the decrees of 1932 and 1938, with one to five years of reclusion and a fine of two to ten contos de réis. Critics in the 1940s complained that it did not clearly punish the user. Amendments of 1964 and 1968 raised the fine to ten to fifty times the highest minimum wage. The military government hardened these penalties from 1964.

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In 1969 the king of According to historian James Bradford, Afghanistan's king issued an edict tellingin 1969 encouraging farmers to use fertiliser. The crop he wanted more of was to increase hashish production. A further order followed in 1970. ## An old export Hashish and opium were established Afghan exports by the 1920s. The [pen … 1971 alone almost sixty thousand tourists came to Kabul, many of them for the hash. They changed whatwidened the markets available to Afghan producers thought the market was. Until then the main customer had been Iran, forThe older regional trade included opium. Now there were exports to Iran; buyers from Europe and America now created further demand for hashish, and they wanted quantityincreasingly in large quantities. ## The edicts By the end of the decade demand was large enough that King Zahir Shah is … real. ## The reversal The United States posted a narcotics agent to Kabul in late 1970. InThe [1972 enforcement drive](/history/afghanistan-smuggling-crackdown-1972/) aincluded new prime minister moved drug control to the interior ministry anti-smuggling units, andwhile a late-year government promised stronger measures. Reported smuggler arrests of smugglers rose from 72 in 1971 to 584 in 1973. That year the king The [banned1973 cultivation ban](/history/afghanistan-ban-1973/) the crop he had promoted four years earliermarked a further restriction. The index lists the edicts for context, with no score change. They areBradford traces a reminder that a government's view of cannabis can turn completely in conflict between income from the time it takes a croptrade and international pressure to become a foreign-policy problemsuppress it. [Afghanistan](/country/af/) has been at The chapter cites Robert Connell Clarke for the bottom ofedicts; the index sinceoriginal orders remain a source to examine, rather than documents newly inspected here.

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On 11 January 1932 the provisional government of Getúlio Vargas issued Decree 20.930, whi … f an Afro-Brazilian cultural tradition. ## From classification to prison The 1932 decree classified, number 20.930, listed *Cannabis indica* among the narcotics; holding it above a therapeutic dose without a prescription carried three to nine months in prison and a fine. A decree-law of 25 November 1938, under the Estado Novo, banned sale and use definitively, … s are recorded as context, because they bound single towns and may not have been applied.

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On 4 October 1830, Rio de Janeiro's municipal council prohibited the sale and use of *pit … ly. A seller faced a fine of 20 milreis. An enslaved person or anyone else found using it could receive up to threefaced eight days in jail, in the code's own words as the historian Jean Marcel Carvalho França quotes them; some later accounts give three days. The language singled out enslaved people even while formally extending the punishment to … ly prohibition and the local, racialised path by which cannabis control began to develop.

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On 26 December 1968, days after Brazil's military government suspended civil liberties, i … hey amended dated from 1940. Its Article 281 set one to five years of reclusion and a fine of, originally two to ten contos de réis; the 1968 wording fixed the fine at ten to fifty times the highest minimum wage for narcotics offences. After 1968 the same article reached the user. There was no smaller offence for holding … for users, and the [2006 law](/history/brazil-no-prison-for-users-2006/) raised it to 14.

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Before the Congo Free State prohibited cannabis, nineteenth-century visitors recorded a Central African movement in which hemp represented friendship, protection and collective identity. ## The “sons of hemp” In 1881, the explorers When Paul Pogge and Hermann von Wissmann encountered the Bashilenge. Their account, as summarizedBena Riamba in later histories1881, described large plots around villages devoted to hemp. Small associations of smokers had developed intothey found cannabis gardens, shared pipes and a widerpolitical movement. Participants called themselves *Bena Riamba*—“sons already shaped by years of hemp”—and called their land *Lubuku*, meaning friendshipconflict. Their greetingobservations became the best-known account of the movement, *moio*, could mean both hemp and life but their interests also shaped what later readers inherited. ## More than intoxication Cannabis was woven into public and ceremonial lifeAn encounter, not a beginning Chris S. Members were expectedDuvall traces the movement's roots to participate and to smoke as an expression of devotion. They attributed protective or magical powers toencounter around 1864 between Chishimbi, a leader in the plantLulua Valley, and used it before war and travel. Initiations could precede Mukwajanga, a campaign or a long journeyCokwe trading intermediary from Angola. The communal pipe acquired Shared cannabis smoking accompanied a diplomatic meaningrelationship that opened access to firearms and other goods. The That reconstruction relies on later account says holidays, trade agreements and peace settlements were not concluded without itaccounts. This wasIt does not simply a reportestablish the first arrival of individual drug use; it described cannabis as partin the Congo Basin. By the time the Germans arrived, Chishimbi had died and rival leaders had developed their own claims to authority. ## A society of a socialfriendship and politicalallegiance Adherents linked smoking with membership in a new order. The movement's name is rendered in more than one way Large gardens supplied the communal calabash pipes. Carrier uses *Bene Diamba*Gatherings included singing, dancing and explains *diamba* as a Central African term for cannabis; the later reference account uses *shared meals, while smoking could affirm trust in dealings with outsiders. “Bena Riamba*. Both translate the name” is often translated as “childrenSons of Hemp” or. Duvall instead favours “sons”people of hempthe riamba”, preserving uncertainty about words European listeners did not reliably distinguish. Keeping both spellings visible helps connect records that otherwise appear to describe different groups. Neil Carrier's chapter inHe describes *Cannabis: Global Historieslubuku* places the movement withinas a longer African history. Cannabis was known in Madagascar bysociety of friendship, rather than simply a name for the midcountry. Religious authority included [Sangula Meta](/culture/people/sangula-seventeenth centurymeta/), whose role complicates accounts focused exclusively on male rulers and explorers. ## The explorers needed allies Wissmann depended on local guards, porters and political protection. He favoured Mukenge, while Portuguese accounts favoured the rival Chingenge. Neither perspective supplies an impartial account of the whole movement. The label “Bashilenge example shows” likewise requires qualification. Duvall records that the people so designated disliked it integrated intoand identified as Baluba. Treating the label as a charismatic movement in Central Africa bytimeless tribal identity conceals the nineteenthpolitical circumstances in which outsiders used it. ## Prohibition followed The legal direction soon reversedBeyond the peaceful brotherhood Cannabis could express friendship while also enforcing obedience. In 1903Duvall describes compulsory smoking ordeals, coercion and warfare, alongside trade in captives and the acquisition of rifles. Rejecting older weapons did not mean rejecting armed power. The [Bena Riamba movement](/culture/traditions/bena-riamba/) therefore offers evidence of cannabis within a particular political order, rather than proof that smoking produces peace. Its decline unfolded through regional conflict and colonial expansion. The Congo Free State's [banned hemp for smoking1903 prohibition](/history/congo-free-state-hemp-ordinance-1903/), including cultivation, sale, transport, possession and use. That ordinance is came later; it cannot explain the first score-changing cannabis law the index currently records for the territorymeaning of today's [DR Congo](/country/cd/). The 1881 account cannot describe every community inpipe the vast modern country, and it should not be read as doing soexplorers had seen. Its importance is narrower: it documents a prominent cannabis-centred movement before colonial prohibition. This entry adds historical context but no `before` scores. It therefore leaves the index unchanged.

The African Roots of Marijuana Sub-Saharan Africa, Cannabis, and Contemporary Drug Policy Wikipedia — Entheogenic use of cannabis

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Opening the Berlin Wall in November 1989 changed the conditions that had kept cannabis hard to obtain in East Germany. Ned Richardson-Little describes a shift from warnings about a foreign threat to policing an emerging domestic issue. In 1990, East Berlin's People's Police createdestablished a narcotics working group under Major Günter Kowalschek. The chapter callsHistorian Ned Richardson-Little describes it as the first such GDR law-enforcement division. Kowalschek pointed, created as the opening of the Berlin Wall changed access to hard currency and free movementdrugs. The development concerned East Berlin before reunification. It was not the creation of a Germany-wide narcotics agency, and described Westnor the first time East German visitors bringing small quantities to share in restaurants and discoscustoms or police had dealt with drug offences. This adds## Before the institutional responseborder opened Cannabis had been difficult to obtain within the earlier GDR. Richardson-Little emphasises the restrictions on movement and the weak incentive for international sellers to accept East German currency. Nevertheless, authorities had intercepted hashish heading towards West Berlin. The [1970 transit seizures](/history/germany-gdr-transit-hashish-seizures-1970/) and [1973 narcotics law](/history/germany-gdr-narcotic-drugs-act-1973/) belonged to that earlier encounter with a largely external market. It concerns ## A changing public discussion After November 9, 1989, party newspapers initially continued to portray drugs as an invading Western danger. Richardson-Little describes reports claiming dealers were targeting East Berlin German schoolchildren and warnings that cannabis would lead inevitably to heroin addiction. Those claims are evidence of the contemporary alarm, rather than established clinical conclusions. During the following months, coverage also began to address practical questions about youth experimentation and public health. The chapter records the interim government's admission, shortly before reunificationthe March 1990 elections, that it had not been prepared for an emerging drug scene. It does not establish a representative cannabis prevalence figure for that moment. ## A different account of supply Kowalschek emphasised free movement and access to hard currency. In an interview published in the creation*Berliner Zeitung* on April 4, 1990, he described West Germans bringing small quantities and sharing hashish at restaurants and discos. Richardson-Little contrasts that account with the earlier image of an organised capitalist pusher directing every encounter. The interview describes one official's assessment; it does not account for every supplier or prove that organised trade was absent. ## What the working group marks The unit represents a Germany-wide enforcement bodychange in institutional attention as cannabis became more accessible domestically. NoThe event is dated to 1990, the precision supported by the chapter, rather than assigning an unverified founding day. Its establishment is listed for East German context. The national score changes are inferredtimeline for [Germany](/country/de/) is not recalculated from the chapter's accountcreation of this local police group.

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In 2015 a private citizen asked On February 15, 2017, Kenya's Senate to legalise cannabis. It took the senators two years to debate theheard a petition, from Gwada Ogot seeking cannabis decriminalisation and most of them were affronted to be discussing it at alllegalisation. ## The law Cannabis has been restricted in Kenya since the colonial [opium ordinance of 1914](/history/kenya-ban-1914/)official Hansard records a request for legislative change, which followed complaints such as that of a [provincial commissioner in 1908](/history/kenya-commissioner-asks-regulator and relief for-ban-1908/). It remains the drug Kenyan police act on most: 776 people were arrestedimprisoned for cannabis in 2016offences. It records a proposal, against 92 for heroin and 11 for cocainenot a change in law. Neil Carrier places the broader initiative in 2015. The timeline entry now uses the documented 2017 Senate presentation; the earlier account does not establish an exact initial submission date. ## The petition Gwada A proposed regulatory system Ogot asked thatsought removal of cannabis be removed from the list of scheduled substances-drug framework and that a regulator be set up to oversee a legal market. He argued mainly from medicine. The plant, he wrote, "is God's gift to mankind just as action on the many minerals he has put in store provision criminalising possession for Kenyans"personal consumption. He also madeproposed a historical argument: legalisation would undo a colonial injustice, body to regulate the banning of something Kenyans had used sector and an amnesty for centuriescannabis prisoners. A member of parliament, Ken Okoth, had made theHis argument connected industrial and medicinal uses with social and economic case in the National Assembly: the benefits. These were claims advanced by a petitioner, rather than clinical findings or a government should stop wasting money on sugarcane and legalise marijuana insteadcommitment to establish a market. ## A second presentation in November The debate The Senate debated theNovember 29 Hansard records a petition in February 2017from Sammy Gwada Ogot seeking withdrawal from the Single Convention, decriminalisation and again in Novemberrelease of prisoners. It drew attention when one A senator, recalled a presidential hopeful, admitted to having used cannabissimilar petition in his youth, and his colleagues joked that this explained his decision to runthe previous Senate. Others were indignant. Senator Sam Ongeri said: > Cannabis sativaThe records therefore should never find its way for discussion in this honourable August > House. It would not be morally wrong, he added, to allow it because the United Statescompressed into one uninterrupted legislative hearing or a bill that had found it medicinal already passed a stage. Two senators The proposal's account of treaty history is also not adopted uncritically here. Kenya's [1964 ratification](/history/kenya-single-convention-1964/) was after independence, by contrast, cited their own encounters with medical marijuana in America as a reasoncontrary to take the petition seriously. The chapter's author notes thatdescription. ## The right to be heard Some senators wanted the views expressed leaned heavilyNovember petition rejected on conservative morality and paid little attentionmoral grounds. Others argued that Parliament should examine it even if they opposed cannabis use. Senator Halake expressly declined either to economicsupport or cultural arguments. ## What cameoppose the petition while asking colleagues to investigate the social circumstances of drug use. The Speaker directed referral to the Health Committee once it Nothing in law was constituted. That direction was a procedural decision, not approval of decriminalisation. ## A separate reform initiative [Ken Okoth went on to draft](/culture/people/ken-okoth/) later pursued a [Marijuana Control Bill](/history/kenya-marijuana-control-bill-2018/) in 2018, which ended with his death the following yearNational Assembly. The index lists Carrier discusses both efforts as openings for debate in a system where cannabis had long been treated principally as an enforcement matter. Neither the petition for context; ['s presentation nor its committee referral changed Kenya's](/country/ke/) score did not move cannabis rules. It No score change is here because it shows where the argument stands in much of Africa: the case for reform is now being made in parliaments, in terms of medicine, money and colonial history, and is still being answered in terms of moralsattributed to this event.

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Parliament of Kenya — Senate Hansard, 15 February 2017, pp. 11–12 Parliament of Kenya — Senate Hansard, 29 November 2017, pp. 2–3, 9 1 unchanged

In June 1938 two policemen disagreed in Geneva about what cannabis does to people. One ran the American narcotics bureau. The other had policed hashish in Egypt for a generation, and he thought the American was talking nonsense. ## The setting Cannabis had been under international control since the Egyptian police official [convention of 1925Russell Pasha](/historyculture/genevapeople/russell-opium-convention-1925pasha/), adopted after Egypt's delegate told challenged claims that cannabis was producing a crime wave. His intervention at the League of Nations that hashish caused most of his country's insanity. A decade latercomplicated the controls were judged unsatisfactory, and in 1934 the League set up a case advanced by American narcotics chief [sub-committeeHarry Anslinger](/historyculture/leaguepeople/harry-cannabis-subcommittee-1935anslinger/) of experts , who associated marijuana with violence and mental deterioration. Historian Haggai Ram uses the proceedings to form a considered viewshow disagreement within the institutions of prohibition. Their participants were not choosing between one settled scientific position and another. ## The American argument The United States was not a member of the League member, but Harry Anslinger attendedparticipated in its opium committee drug control discussions as an observer. His interventions connected cannabis with violent crime and pressed fordemanded strict prohibitioninternational action. In 1937, the year of the The [Marihuana Tax Act](/history/us-marihuana-tax-act-1937/), he reported violent crimes "directly traceable" to cannabis had already passed in the United States. In 1938 he told the committee that marijuana "maintains its ancientGeneva, worldwide tradition of murder, assault, rape, physical and mental deterioration"his claims carried that campaign into an institution which had been collecting evidence about cannabis since the [1925 convention](/history/geneva-opium-convention-1925/). ## The Egyptian policeman Thomas Russell, known as Russell Pasha, had served in Egypt since 1902, as Cairo's chief ofA police and as head of the countrychief's narcotics bureauobjection Russell represented Egypt, whose earlier advocacy had helped bring cannabis under international control. He had an international reputation for the drug war he had wagedserved there, since 1902 and he represented the Egyptian governmentdirected its Central Narcotics Intelligence Bureau. He had already told the League,described hashish as comparatively less harmful in a [1930 report](/history/egypt-russell-hashish-report-1930/), that hashish was the vice of the city slums and did comparatively little harm. Now In the 1938 proceedings, he said it again. His impression was that hashish addiction "washis experience did not leading to anyindicate a particular crime wave" attributable to hashish. The addictThat was "a tiresome type of individual" an experienced official's assessment, not a dangerous criminal, and it would not be true to sayrather than proof that much serious crime was due cannabis could never contribute to itharm. He answered Anslinger with sarcasm: hashish could be extremely dangerous, he allowed, though in most cases its users lapsed into joviality. ## What came of it Nothing. The sub-dispute with Bouquet Russell also challenged committee stopped work in 1939 when war broke outexpert Bouquet's explanations of cannabis use through supposedly fixed Arab or Muslim characteristics. After the war the question passedHe objected to the United Nations, where the American view prevailedtreating Egyptians and cannabis was classedTunisians as interchangeable populations. His alternative explanation connected Egyptian consumption with heroin inmodern irrigation, parasitic disease and peasants seeking to restore lost energy. Ram treats the [Single Convention of 1961](/history/un-single-convention-1961/) move towards historical circumstances as significant, while acknowledging that the explanation remained questionable. The exchange matters because It should not be adopted as a demonstrated medical account of who was speaking. Egypt had putwhy people used cannabis into international law in 1925 on. ## Contested knowledge, continuing control Neither official abandoned broad generalisations about the strength of one delegatepopulations under discussion. Russell's speechobjection also did not repeal a law or establish a new international settlement. Thirteen years on, Ram records the man actually responsible for enforcingcommittee chairman's suggestion that lawBouquet redraft his text in Egypt was telling the same body consultation with Russell. The historian finds no evidence that this produced the premise was wrong proposed revision. The index listsepisode shows an effort to manage disagreement as well as an argument about evidence. The League's cannabis work ended amid the outbreak of war. The 1938 exchange is listed as international debate, with no national score change attributed to it for context.

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A year before Nigeria made growing cannabis a capital crime In 1965, its most eminent Nigerian psychiatrist published a study arguing that drug use was a social problem with social causes. The soldiers who wrote the law did not use it. ## The man [Thomas Adeoye Lambo is regarded as the founder of African psychiatry. He was among the first doctors in West Africa to treat patients who used cannabis and to ask how dependent they really were, and he had noted its use among Africans as early as 1955. ## The](/culture/people/thomas-adeoye-lambo/) published a study In 1965 his work on of drug addiction in West Africa. It appeared in the region's leading medical journal*West African Medical Journal* and in the United Nations' bulletin*Bulletin on narcotics. It established Narcotics*, helping establish cannabis use as a medical question there. Lambo rejected the two explanations then current in the press andregion. Historian Gernot Klantschnig places the policestudy within a contest over how independent Nigeria would understand drugs: that users were criminal typesas a problem of social conditions and health, or that drugs were simply too easy to getas an expression of criminality and disorder. Addiction, ## A question about definitions Lambo doubted whether the cannabis users he wrote, "like crime, is treated met the productaccepted addiction criteria of many variables"his time. Klantschnig records his uncertainty about applying definitions based on dependence, increasing doses and withdrawal to those patients. He pointedbroadened his account to rapidinclude disruption of work and social life. Migration, economic change, migrationgroup identification and access to substances all contributed to his explanation. Neither criminal psychology nor the cities, and the lossmere availability of the controls of village lifedrugs was enough on its own. He also distinguished possible mental impairment in some patients from a claim that prolonged cannabis use necessarily caused permanent personality disturbance. These were historical clinical judgments, not present-day medical advice. ## The patients his categories obscured Lambo emphasised people most at risk were those he called "described as “marginal Africans":,” including migrant workers, ex- former soldiers, and political thugs. On Klantschnig challenges the question fit between that dominated public debate he was careful. Long-term use, he said, "does not necessarily produce permanent disturbance of personality", though in some people it impaired mental health. ## What he left out His picture was tidier than hismodel and the clinic. By 1965: students and other respectable people groups made up more than a third of hisLambo's own patients, and some of his colleagues admitted to having smoked by 1965. The historian argues that Lambo classified those's classifications obscured patients in ways that kept them out of sight, because theywho did not fit his theory. His study complicated public stereotypes while retaining assumptions about class and social belonging. ## Why it lost His remedy mixedA public message with unintended effects Psychiatrists' interventions helped bring cannabis onto the national policy agenda. Yet newspaper discussion could turn their warnings into apparent confirmation that cannabis caused madness, a claim more sweeping than Lambo's account. Nor was a medical approach automatically free of coercion. Klantschnig notes forced admission among the repressive features of psychiatric drug treatment. ## The law that followed Lambo's proposed response combined medicine, education, law and longlonger-term economic social change. It could not be issued as an order. In 1966 aThe military government that took power amid political violence that the press had linked to cannabis,in 1966 pursued discipline and reached for something that could: the immediate control. Its [Indian Hemp Decree](/history/nigeria-indian-hemp-decree-1966/), with death for made cannabis cultivation. From then on drug control in Nigeria belonged punishable by death and gave little expression to the police. The medicalhis multifaceted approach Lambo had opened was set aside. The index lists the study for context; it movedis recorded as a contribution to debate, rather than a legal reform. It changed no score for [Nigeria](/country/ng/).

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On 2 November 1951 President Truman signed a law that took sentencing for drug offences out ofCongress passed the judge's hands. The Boggs Act, named for its sponsor, the Louisiana Democrat Hale Boggs,. For the first time federal law set mandatory minimum sentencesone scale of penalties for drug convictions, and it drew no line between marijuana and for heroin, and for repeat offenders it took sentencing out of the judge's hands. ## Two years for a first offenceA heroin scare The act amended the Narcotic Drugs Importlaw was aimed at opiates, not marijuana. Between 1948 and Export Act1951 arrests and admissions of young addicts rose sharply. ABoggs told the House that in the first conviction for possessing cannabis now carried a minimumhalf of two years1950, 766 patients under 21 had been admitted to the federal hospital at Lexington, against three in prisonthe same period of 1946. Congress blamed lenient judges, and a maximumthe Federal Bureau of tenNarcotics, within a finesurvey of up to $20its own,000. Before it, found that the average federal marijuana law narcotics sentence had been a tax statutebarely changed since 1935. The Marihuana Tax Act Marijuana was swept in because it was already part of 1937 prohibited the federal drug by taxing itlaws. On 4 January 1952, two months after At the signinghearings Harris Isbell, more than 500 peopleresearch director at Lexington, testified that marijuana smokers were arrested underusually mildly intoxicated, harmed no one and developed no dependence. Harry Anslinger answered that over half of the new provisionsyoung heroin addicts had started on marijuana. He had rejected this stepping-stone argument in a single day1937; now it became the official case for punishing marijuana like heroin. ## Five years later, moreThe penalties | Conviction | YearPrison | What it didProbation or parole | |---|---|---| | Boggs ActFirst | 19512–5 years | mandatory minimums for all drug convictionsPossible | | Narcotic Control ActSecond | 19565–10 years | higher penalties, including for cannabis possessionNot available | | Controlled Substances ActThird and later | 197010–20 years | mandatory minimums repealed; simple possession a misdemeanourNot available | The Narcotic Control ActEvery offence also carried a fine of 1956 went furtherup to $2,000. The Federal Bureau of Narcotics told CongressBoggs argued that strict federalthe law had sharply reducedcould not draw a line between possession and peddling without opening it to abuse. ## Little Boggs acts The bureau urged the numberstates to follow. By 1953 seventeen states and the territory of addictsAlaska had passed "little Boggs acts", and Congress responded by addingeleven more raised penalties by 1956. Ohio set twenty to forty years for every violationselling narcotics, and Louisiana five to ninety-nine years without parole for selling, possessing or administering a narcotic drug. Judges objected. On 27 May 1954 the district and circuit judges of the Marihuana Tax ActFifth Circuit unanimously asked Congress to remove the mandatory minimums. The 1956 Boggs called it a shortsighted recommendation. Two years later Congress went the other way with the [Narcotic Control Act](/history/us-narcotic-control-act was-1956/), which raised the high point of federal severityfine to $20,000 and barred probation and parole for everyone except first-time possessors. ## Undone in 1970 They lasted less than twenty years. The [Controlled Substances Act](/history/us-controlled-substances-act-1970/) of 1970 placed cannabis in Schedule I, prohibited for any use, and inremoved the same stroke eliminated the Boggs Act's mandatory minimums and reducedmade simple possession from a felony to a misdemeanour. Mandatory federal sentences returned in 1986, this time tied to quantity and aimed at large-scale distribution. ## Why the index moved The [Boggs Act](/history/us-boggs-act-1951/) lowered the [United States](/country/us/) total from 11 to 9, with enforcement falling from 2 to 1: a fixed two-year minimum to five years for a first possession offence is a law under which, and prison without probation for any repeat, mean that users go to prison as a matter of course. The [1956 act](/history/us-narcotic-control-act-1956/) took the total to 7, the lowest it has been, and the 1970 act brought it back to 11.

The Marijuana Conviction: A History of Marijuana Prohibition in the United States 2 unchanged

*Bangi* is the Swahili word for cannabis, while Kenyan and in theTanzanian English of Kenya and Tanzania the plant is still calledalso use *bhang*. The word is Indian. It crossed the oceanbelongs to a wider vocabulary linking East Africa with the trade of the Swahili coast,South Asia and on the way it changed its meaning: in India [bhang](/culture/language/bhang/) isArabian Sea. That connection does not establish a leaf that is eatensingle voyage, and in East Africa it became aborrowing language or date of arrival. Nor does the word alone identify whether the plant that iswas eaten or smoked. ## From Hindi to Swahili Cannabis may have reached the Swahili coast by about the year 1000An Indian Ocean word In *The African Roots of Marijuana*, presumably with traders who spokeChris S. Duvall treats Hindi *bhang*, Persian or*bang* and Arabic. The same word exists in all three worlds: *bhangbanj* in Hindias possible sources for Swahili *bangi*. Maritime exchange provides a plausible setting, but the resemblance cannot identify the immediate intermediary. The names could also change independently of the plant. In some East African languages, Duvall finds *bangbangi* in Persianalongside unrelated cannabis names, suggesting that a newer trading word sometimes replaced an older local one. A borrowed name is not necessarily evidence that cannabis itself had just arrived. | Form | Where | |---|---| | Bangi | Swahili: [Tanzania](/country/tz/), [Kenya](/country/k … in a raid of 2026](/history/south-sudan-juba-raids-2026/) was reported under that name | FromNineteenth-century caravans carried the coast the plant wentword inland. It may have been Swahili traders, but Duvall distinguishes merchants from Zanzibar who carried it to the Congo basin in the 1850s, where withinporters and paddlers who transported goods and smoked cannabis. He also traces a generation it becamedifferent westward history for the centre*diamba* family of thenames. The [Bena Riamba](/culture/traditions/bena-riamba/) movement should not be presented as the direct result of a documented Zanzibar introduction in the 1850s. ## A trade before the colonies By the nineteenth century cannabis was part of the folk … ibar. The few accounts from the period suggest that in East Africa it was mainly smoked.  ## The colonial bans As the trade grew, the European administrations moved against it, s … dismissed by the High Court in 2026](/history/kenya-high-court-rastafari-petition-2026/).

The Swahili word for cannabis, from the Indian bhang. It probably camelinked to the East African coast with traders across thebhang and Indian Ocean exchange. Its immediate source and route inland are less certain than a simple borrowing from Hindi suggests.

Swahili, from; related to Hindi, Persian and Arabic cannabis vocabulary

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*CBD* stands foris the abbreviation of cannabidiol, one ofa cannabinoid that the compounds of the cannabis plant makes on its own, often in large amounts in hemp. It isUnlike THC, it does not produce the one that intoxicates; thatintoxication cannabis is THCknown for. For most of its history the word was known only to chemists. Since the late 2010s it has been printed on oils, sweets, drinks, creams and, flowers sold in ordinary shopsand prescription medicines, and it has become one of the hardest words for the law to place. ## In the laboratory Chemists tried to isolate the active ingredients of cannabis in the nineteenth century, and mostly got mixtures. Cannabidiol was studiedfirst isolated in 1940, independently, by two groups: Roger Adams's at the University of Illinois, working from the "red oil" of wild hemp gathered in Minnesota, and Alexander Todd's at Manchester, working from Egyptian cannabis resin. Adams's team published in the *Journal of the American Chemical Society* in January 1940, and its that August he filed a patent for the method. It was issued on 8 December 1942 as US 2,304,669, *Isolation of Cannabidiol*: the red oil is turned into a crystalline ester, which ammonia then splits to give the pure compound. The patent prints a structural formula, and says plainly that it is incomplete: "with the exception of the position of the double bond in the left hand cycle", the structure was taken as established. It also records that cannabidiol is "physiologically inactive so far as marihuana activity is concerned", and stereochemistry were worked outthat acids turn it into tetrahydrocannabinols that do have that activity. The 1942 drawing is not the modern structure. That was established in 1963, by [Raphael Mechoulam](/culture/people/raphael-mechoulam/) and Yuval Shvo in Israel, using nuclear magnetic resonance, and the stereochemistry followed. *Cannabidiol* is its now also the compound's international non-proprietary name, the official generic name of a medicine; *CBD* is the … 0.3 per cent THC, together with its extracts and cannabinoids, from the federal drug law. The same yearSix months earlier, in June 2018, the Food and Drug Administration had approved a cannabidiol medicine, Epidiolex, for two rare forms of childhood epilepsy, Lennox-Gastaut and Dravet syndromes. Neither step made every CBD product legal. CBD foods and drinks had been on sale since about 2017. But CBD itself was never declared safe … t of investors, of an FDA ruling and of consistent state laws. ## What the law calls it The same molecule is a medicine in one place, a food in another, a hemp product in a third and, under some conditions, a controlled drug. | Place | Year | What CBD became | |---|---|---| | [Bulgaria](/history/bulgaria-cbd-certif … d grown up under the same hemp definition, such as [delta-8](/culture/language/delta-8/).

language/hemp, language/cannabis, people/raphael-mechoulam, language/delta-8

Roger Adams — Isolation of cannabidiol, US Patent 2,304,669 (filed 16 August 1940, issued 8 December 1942) Adams, Hunt and Clark — Structure of cannabidiol, a product isolated from the marihuana extract of Minnesota wild hemp. I, Journal of the American Chemical Society 62 (1940) Jacob and Todd — Cannabidiol and cannabinol, constituents of Cannabis indica resin, Nature 145 (1940) Mechoulam and Shvo — Hashish I: The structure of cannabidiol, Tetrahedron 19 (1963) 1 unchanged

src ../../src/assets/culture/cbd-adams-patent-1942.jpg · alt Original 1942 United States Patent Office document titled Isolation of Cannabidiol, showing inventor Roger Adams, the patent number, and an early chemical structure. · caption Isolation of Cannabidiol — Roger Adams's 1942 U.S. patent, documenting the chemistry of a cannabis compound that would become a global commercial phenomenon decades later. · credit Roger Adams / United States Patent Office, 1942 (US 2,304,669), public domain, via Google Patents · credit url https://patents.google.com/patent/US2304669A/en

*Chamba* is cannabis in Malawi. The word is known well beyond the country because of what … . The work is divided. Women do most of the cultivation and men most of the selling. The harvest is cured in a way particular to Malawi: the flowering tops are bound tightly in banana or maize leaves into a hard bundle called a cob, *mfani* or *bola* in Chichewa, and it is by the cob that chamba is sold. Duvall places these packets within a broader African history. His sources describe cannabis wrapped in leaves in Angola, banana leaves in western Tanzania and cornhusks in southern Africa. In a Chichewa dictionary published in 1892, he identifies packet terms *mfani* and *mpaka*. These comparisons qualify the idea of an entirely unique Malawian technique without erasing local names and practices. Packaging and curing should also be distinguished. Duvall discusses fermentation in cornhusk packets in the lower Zambezi Valley, but a historical reference to a compressed or leaf-wrapped parcel does not by itself establish that it was fermented. His account of different subjective effects is not a basis for assigning a uniform potency or chemical profile to all cobs. A United Nations report of the late 1990s guessed that as much as 156,000 hectares might b … o things: a crop the state hopes will replace tobacco, and a habit that is still a crime.

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The African Roots of Marijuana 2 unchanged

Dagga is what cannabis is called in South Africa and its neighbours. It is a Khoekhoe wor … erefore evidence for the word, but not always secure evidence for the botanical species. Duvall adds another warning: *dagga* can also mean building mortar. In a note to his 2019 book, he corrects a photograph caption in his earlier *Cannabis* (2015), acknowledging that men shown “Making Dagga” were preparing adobe, not cannabis for storage. An archival title containing the word therefore needs its material context checked before it becomes cannabis evidence. Where the Khoekhoe word itself comes from is argued over. | Theory | Proposed by | |---|- … ](/history/south-africa-private-purposes-act-2024/): the legislators preferred the Latin.

The African Roots of Marijuana 6 unchanged

*Delta-8* is short for Δ8-tetrahydrocannabinol, a close chemical relative of the familiar THC, delta-9. It is moderately less potent, but it is psychoactive and it intoxicates. The plant makes only a little traces of it. What made *delta-8* a word that ordinary Americans knew was not the plant but a la … isomers" with no more than 0.3 per cent of *delta-9* THC. It said nothing about delta-8. ProducersBecause hemp holds so little delta-8, producers began converting the plentiful [cannabidiol](/culture/language/cbd/) from legal hemp into delta-8 by acid-catalysed cyclisation, and selling it as distillate, … t reached head shops, smoke shops, dispensaries, petrol stations and convenience stores. Virginia shows how fast it happened. The state legalised adult possession of small amounts of cannabis in July 2021, but left no legal way to buy it outside four medical dispensaries. By September, VPM News found delta-8 in petrol stations and head shops, and a hand-painted sign outside Katra Gala, a Richmond tobacco shop, announcing "Delta 8 THC now here". A worker there said its sales had overtaken CBD's. A forensic scientist at Virginia Commonwealth University explained to the station that the delta-8 sold in shops "is synthetically generated", made by putting CBD in strong acid. A state legislator who wanted it regulated said she had never seen anything spread so fast, "not even kombucha". | Year | | |---|---| | 1941 | First partial synthesis | | 1965 | First total synthesis | | … make products such as delta-8 "incredibly difficult, if not impossible, to sell legally".

VPM News — With legal weed hard to buy in Virginia, delta-8 fills the void (1 September 2021) 1 unchanged

src ../../src/assets/culture/delta-8-sign-richmond-2021.jpg · alt Colorful hand-painted storefront sign in Richmond, Virginia, showing a cartoon cannabis leaf smoking a joint beneath the words DELTA 8 THC NOW HERE. · caption Delta-8 THC advertised outside a tobacco shop in Richmond, Virginia, in 2021. A little-known cannabinoid became a familiar retail product after the 2018 Farm Bill. · credit Ben Paviour / VPM News, 2021 · credit url https://www.vpm.org/news/2021-09-01/with-legal-weed-hard-to-buy-in-virginia-delta-8-fills-the-void

*Diamba* is a word for cannabis from western Central Africa. It is heard today in Angola, … and that their words for the plant are now used in nearly every place they were taken. He derives even thealso proposes a Kimbundu connection for Spanish [marihuana](/culture/language/marijuana/) from; that is an etymological argument, rather than a Kimbundu wordsettled origin. The spellings are not necessarily names for distinct plants. Duvall finds *diamba*, *mariambaliamba*, *riamba* and related forms across several Central African languages, with European listeners representing unfamiliar initial sounds differently. Such variation can reflect pronunciation and transcription rather than a change in meaning. He places these names within a wider set resembling *chamba*, while distinguishing that proposed family from the *bangi* vocabulary associated with Swahili commerce. ## Angola In Angola the plant is still called diamba or liamba. Its written record is later than its probable arrival: Duvall identifies an 1803 administrative complaint about cultivation for smoking, while reconstructing earlier movements from regional trade and language geography. The date of a surviving observation is not a date of introduction. Nineteenth-century accounts place cannabis among ordinary garden crops. One observer in northern Angola described small family plots with manioc, maize and vegetables, including only two liamba plants. That is a particular contemporary description, not a standard planting rule. It shows why a valued crop could be widespread without covering large fields. The explorer David Livingstone noted in 1857 that under the Portuguese, "the use of it by a sl … diamba, and the plant took root there well before it was common elsewhere in West Africa. A journal articleClarke’s [botanical report of 1851 explains how](/history/sierra-leone-cannabis-long-in-use-1851/) gives a contemporary account. The seeds, it says, were brought to the colony by "Congoes captured by one of our cruise … slave ship by a British warship. By then cannabis had been "long in use" in the interior. Clarke described cultivation among several communities, rather than only the people he grouped as “Congoes”. His labels reflect colonial classifications, not necessarily a single language or ethnic identity. He also distinguished *Maconie*, a preparation using flowers and seeds, from *Makiah*, made from leaves. These were names within a local market and practice; they should not be treated as exact synonyms for every form of diamba. The journal editor’s suggestion of transmission from Egypt or Arabia was speculation, separate from Clarke’s reported account of seeds carried by displaced Central Africans. It found local uses. Midwives gave it in childbirth, and fishermen took it to get through … utes of the slave trade: from Angola to Brazil, and from a captured ship to Sierra Leone.

sierra-leone-cannabis-long-in-use-1851, angola-livingstone-observation-1857, sierra-leone-ban-1920, brazil-decree-law-891-1938, angola-portuguese-ban-1913, brazil-rio-pango-ban-1830

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Short notice of the African Plant Diamba, commonly called Congo Tobacco The African Roots of Marijuana 5 unchanged

sierra-leone-cannabis-long-in-use-1851

A *dispensary* is, first of all, a place where medicine is prepared or handed out: an institution that gives out medical supplies and advice, like the charitable dispensaries that treated the poor in eighteenth-century Britain, or, in an older sense, the pharmacy of a hospital, which sells nothing. In the United Stat … y adult. Its slang form is *dispo*. ## Medicine as the way in The word came to cannabis through the medical marijuana movement of the 1990s, because medicine was the only door the law left open. In San Francisco in the early 1990s, before California allowed medical use, [Dennis Peron](/culture/people/dennis-peron/) ran a *buyers' club* that suppliedhad watched cannabis ease the nausea and pain of his partner, Jonathan West, before West died of AIDS. With "Brownie Mary" Rathbun and other activists he turned the informal help given to sick friends into the Cannabis Buyers Club, which sold to people ill with AIDS, cancer and other illnesses, openly and against theboth state and federal law. It had no licence; there was none to be had. Ed Rosenthal's photographs of 1994 show what it was like inside: paper cranes hanging from the ceiling, the painted sign of Peron's old café, The Island, a crowded counter, and a handwritten menu of grades, tinctures, edibles and even cuttings to grow at home. People came to talk as well as to buy. The early clubs were meeting places and support networks for the sick at least as much as they were shops, and they called their customers patients and their product medicine. In November 1996 California voters passed [Proposition 215](/history/us-california-medical-1996/), which protected Peron had helped write, protecting patients with a doctor's recommendation who possessed or grew cannabis. It did not set up a system of shops, but the dispensaries that grew up under it became the first legal shops foropenly tolerated cannabis outlets in the country, and their medical name stuck. The medical name did not protect them from federal law. In [2001](/history/us-oakland-c … colorado-first-shops-2014/) for adults on 1 January 2014, the name stretched to cover them, though by then many sold to anyone over 21 and had nothing clinical about them: in the United States, outlets called dispensaries now sell for medical use, for adult us … five years after the law that allowed it. In both, the American word was the one chosen.

Ed Rosenthal — Dennis Peron, founder of the first medical marijuana dispensary in the United States (11 July 2018) 2 unchanged

src ../../src/assets/culture/dispensary-cannabis-buyers-club-1994.jpg · alt Historical color photograph showing patients gathered around a counter inside the San Francisco Cannabis Buyers Club in 1994, with handmade decorations hanging from the ceiling. · caption Patients gathering at the medicine counter of the San Francisco Cannabis Buyers Club, 1994. Photograph by Ed Rosenthal. · credit Ed Rosenthal, 1994 · credit url https://www.edrosenthal.com/ask-ed-blog/2018/7/11/dennis-peron-founder-of-the-first-medical-marijuana-dispensary-in-the-united-states

*Ḥashīsh* is an ordinary Arabic word for dried grass or fodder. As the name of a drug it … where Sufi orders used it and physicians prescribed it, the argument ran for centuries. The plant itself, leaves and flowering tops dried and smoked or eaten, is herbal cannabis, and goes by other names. In modern usage, and in law, hashish is the resin: the sticky glands of the flowers rubbed, sieved or beaten off and pressed into cakes or slabs. The 1961 [Single Convention](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Single_Convention_on_Narcotic … it so readily that their commanders [banned it in 1800](/history/egypt-french-ban-1800/). The expedition's scholars wrote about it, and for the rest of the century Cairo's hashish dens and sellers were a fixture of European travel writing and Orientalist art; the Maltese painter Amedeo Preziosi, whose lithograph of Cairo's hashish merchants heads this page, made his living selling scenes of the East to European travellers. The word came with the stories. It was spelled the way each language heard it: *hachisch* in French, *Haschisch* in German, *hasj* in Dutch, *hashish* in English, clipped in American slang of the 1950s and 1960s to *hash*, and in German to [*Hasch*](/culture/language/hasch/). In France it became a subject of science and of letters. | Year | What happened | |---|-- … used against pain, migraine, asthma and sleeplessness. ## The countries of hashish  The resin trade ran along the old routes of the steppe and the Silk Road:Offerings_in_a_Kathmandu_Pot_Shop Central Asia,_1973 Persia and Afghanistan supplied the bazaars of the Middle East, and Egypt, with its dens and its smugglers, was for a century its most famous market.jpg") At the start of the twentieth century most hashish in Europe came from Kashmir and other … ot evidence of a universal Moroccan-Jewish smoking tradition or a measure of prevalence. In Iran, Ghiabi's fieldwork from the 2010s documents another social boundary: some urban consumers contrasted resin with [gol](/culture/language/gol/), cannabis flower. A hashish smoker could be praised as down-to-earth or dismissed as a *bangi*, while flower acquired a modern, international image. Some interviewees even misclassified dark hashish as an opiate. These were social judgments and consumer beliefs, not botanical or pharmacological distinctions. ## The word now Western Europe remains the largest market for the resin. In the United St … , a form also known as *prensado*. Its blocks should be distinguished from pressed resin.

hash, haschisch, hachisch, hasch, hashish

traditions/hashish-in-egypt, traditions/club-des-hashischins, language/charas, language/zatla, language/gol

src ../../src/assets/culture/legal-hashish-shopmerchants-incairo-kathmandu-nepal-in-1973preziosi.jpg · alt The painted signboard ofColorful nineteenth-century lithograph depicting a Cairo marketplace with hashish shopmerchants, seated customers and richly decorated Islamic architecture. · caption Hashish merchants on a street in Kathmandu · caption A hashish shop in Kathmandu in 1973Cairo, when the trade was still legal in Nepalcirca 1850. Chromolithograph by Amedeo Preziosi, Wellcome Collection. · credit Roger McLassusAmedeo Preziosi / Wellcome Collection (25471i), CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commonspublic domain · credit url https://commonswellcomecollection.wikimedia.org/wikiworks/File:Legal_hashish_shop_in_Kathmandu,_Nepal_in_1973.jpgd8h8evhk

Wellcome Collection — Shops of hashish merchants on a street in Cairo, chromolithograph by A. Preziosi, c. 1850 Weltmuseum Wien — Flasche mit Haschischproben, Samarkand 1888, inv. 37818 “We Smoke Flowers”: On “Being High” in Postrevolutionary Iran 5 unchanged

*Maconha* is the Brazilian word for cannabis. It is African: from *ma'kaña* in, conventionally traced to Kimbundu, a language of Angola. The plant and its name cameIts history belongs to Brazil witha wider Central African vocabulary carried through Atlantic commerce and forced migration. Brazilian prohibitions repeatedly singled out enslaved people, and for most of Braziliantheir descendants, but that association should not turn a varied linguistic history into the laws against it were, in so many words, laws about themcustom of one undifferentiated community. ## The names | Word | Origin | Note | |---|---|---| | Maconha | Kimbundu *ma'kaña* | T … , for cannabis smoked in a pipe | | Cânhamo | Spanish *cáñamo* | Hemp, the fibre plant | The geographer Chris S. Duvall has pointed out that the earliest and most numerousplaces *maconha* within a wider set of Central African Bantu words, rather than treating it only as a uniquely Kimbundu name for cannabis users in. He interprets the Americas were enslaved people from western Centralword as a plural associated with plant leaves or smokable herbs; related forms could designate tobacco in Africa while naming cannabis in Atlantic communities. A word's later botanical meaning need not be its only earlier one. In Sierra Leone, Clarke's [1851 report](/history/sierra-leone-cannabis-long-in-use-1851/) used *Maconie* for a flower-and that their words-seed preparation. That comparison supplies evidence for it survive wherever they were takenan Atlantic vocabulary, not proof that identical preparations or customs existed everywhere. Duvall combines linguistic evidence with migration records, while distinguishing the first surviving notice from a plant's arrival. ## Laws that named the slave Cannabis is said to have been brought by the Portuguese, per … Afro-Brazilian. The word of the 1830 ordinances is now the one on the marchers' banners.

The African Roots of Marijuana 7 unchanged

*Mbanje* is the common Shona word for cannabis in [Zimbabwe](/country/zw/), where the pla … han proving deliberate cultivation at the lodge. ## How long it has been there Cannabis reached this part of Africa centuries agocultivation and use have a long regional history, but the archaeological claim needs care. InDuvall discusses pipe bowls from Zimbabwe estimated to date to the firstthirteenth century through archaeological evidence is put at around 1200, and there is evidence of its usecontext. A pipe establishes smoking technology; without identified residues it does not establish that cannabis was smoked in it. He presents circulation under the Kingdom of Zimbabwe as a reconstruction, rather than a securely dated first cannabis find. *Suruma* also reaches beyond a single modern border. Duvall compares it with Malagasy *soróma* and records related vocabulary from Mozambique and northern Tanzania. These names suggest historical exchange, later,but he leaves the Kingdom of Mutapaexact direction and timing unresolved. For Mozambique the usual account is that the plant came from India, with Arab traders o … lled for studies](/history/mozambique-nyusi-legalisation-studies-2024/) on legalising it.

The African Roots of Marijuana 6 unchanged

*Reefer* is American slang for a cannabis cigarette, or for cannabis itself. It belongs t … z_Mezzrow_in_his_office,_New_York,_N.Y.,_ca._Nov._1946_(William_P._Gottlieb_06151).jpg") Abel’s account places this vocabulary in a commercial musical world as well as a private smoking circle. His examples include Armstrong’s “Muggles,” Calloway’s “That Funny Reefer Man” and titles using *viper* or *tea*. Records and performances gave listeners a shared vocabulary. The songs document cultural expression; they do not establish how often every musician or audience member used cannabis. ## The law arrives American states had begun restricting cannabis before the jazz age, [M … found that marijuana led neither to addiction nor to crime. It had no effect on the law.

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Joep Oomen built a legal argument out of a single plant. Belgian law tolerated an adult g … a link between the Belgian movement and Spain, where cannabis clubs were already common. He told grow! in 2013 that he had smoked cannabis since he was thirteen, and that it had never been a problem for him in the Netherlands, with its coffeeshops. What changed his mind about drug policy was a journey through South America in the 1980s, where he saw the violence, the abuses and the poverty that the war on drugs brought to the producing countries. ## One plant, many owners The opening came from the law. In [2003](/history/belgium-law-2 … lice record. Trekt Uw Plant turned that individual tolerance into a collective arrangement: if one plant per adult was the lowest priority for prosecutors, members could have their single plants grown together, each tagged with a deed of ownership and a copy of the member's identity card. The idea came, he said, from Spain, where clubs had worked on the same principle since 1995 and which he knew through ENCOD. It was a deliberate test of the law. The directive told prosecutors what to ignore; it said nothing about growing for others, and nothing in it authorised a club. | How the club works | | |---|---| | Each member | Has one plant, grown for them in a shar … Members | About 400 | ## In court The authorities did not accept the reasoning at once. TheOomen was arrested in December 2006, at the attempt to found the club. In May 2008 its board members each planted a single seed in a pot in public, and were convicted of inciting drug use; on 25 February 2010 the appeal court in Antwerp acquitted them, holding that the club did not set out to persuade others to use drugs. It was prosecuted twice, and twice acquitted; its organisers were cleared in 2010, and it has worked undisturbed since. But the rulings settled only the charges in front of the court. Belgium never passed a law allowing collective cultivation, and the clubs stayed in a grey zone. Oomen's advice to the club's growers was to meet a police raid with an open door, a smile and a pot of coffee, and an explanation of how the system worked. By 2013 there were about 250 members and nineteen growers. Others who copied it fared worse. A member, Michel Degens, started Mambo Social Club in Ha … grow room. | Year | | |---|---| | 1993 | Co-founds ENCOD | | 2006 | Founds Trekt Uw Plant; arrested in December | | 2010 | The club's organisers acquitted | | 2016 | Dies in Antwerp, 18 March | ## Elsewhere Through ENCOD he carried the model from country to country, in meetings, conferences and interviews: a non-profit club, growing only for its own adult members, open about what it did and ready to explain it to the police. Clubs on the Spanish and Belgian pattern were set up by activists in several European countries in the years that followed. In the Netherlands he co-founded the VOC, the Union for the Abolition of Cannabis Prohibit … l cause. In 2020 Trekt Uw Plant was still the largest of Belgium's five registered clubs.

died c. 1961–2016

grow! Magazin — Trekt Uw Plant, Joep Oomen interview (spring 2013, republished 24 October 2016) Deutscher Hanfverband — Belgien, Trekt Uw Plant freigesprochen (7 March 2010) 2 unchanged

src ../../src/assets/culture/joep-oomen-trekt-uw-plant.jpg · alt Joep Oomen sitting outdoors in front of green vegetation, wearing a white Trekt Uw Plant T-shirt and a dark cap. · caption Joep Oomen (c. 1961–2016), co-founder of ENCOD and founder of Belgium's first Cannabis Social Club, Trekt Uw Plant. · credit grow! Magazin, 2013 · credit url https://www.grow.de/artikel/hanfszene-detailseite/trekt-uw-plant-joep-oomen

Few people have given their name to cannabis. Milton Mesirow, a Jewish clarinettist from … tory in his memoir *Really the Blues*, written with Bernard Wolfe and published in 1946. Ernest L. Abel’s history, published in 1980, shows how that reputation entered the vocabulary of the market. He records *mezzrole* or *messrole* for a well-filled cannabis cigarette and reports that *mezz* could also mean something genuine or superior. Those were social meanings attached to a supplier’s name, rather than names for a genetically defined strain. Abel quotes Mezzrow’s own account of suddenly becoming popular in Harlem. It is a retrospective autobiographical claim, which helps explain the public identity he fashioned. It should be distinguished from an independently measured account of how much of the city’s cannabis trade he supplied. ## France After the Nice jazz festival of 1948 he settled in France, where Panassié and o … y years of his life there, died in 1972 and is buried in Père Lachaise cemetery in Paris.

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Thomas Wentworth Russell spent forty-four years in the Egyptian police, and for the last … any crime wave in Egypt: the addict was a tiresome individual, not a dangerous criminal. It changed nothingHe also disputed Bouquet's portrayal of cannabis use as an expression of fixed Arab or Muslim traits. Russell pointed instead to particular conditions in Egypt, including irrigation and parasitic illness. Ram judges that historical approach significant but its explanation questionable. The dispute did not amount to a finding that cannabis was harmless, and Russell remained an enforcer of prohibition. The League's cannabis committee stopped work when the war began. ## Afterwards Russell retir … ce, 1902–1946*, and spent the rest of his life salmon fishing. He died in London in 1954.

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*Bena Riamba*, commonly translated as “Sons of Hemp”, was a cannabis-centred religious and political movement among Luba-speaking communities of the Kasai region, in what is now thepresent-day Democratic Republic of the Congo,. It flourished in the Lulua Valley during the late nineteenth century1870s and 1880s. CannabisShared smoking and shared ceremonial pipes expressed belonging and friendship, while also becoming part of political alliances and preparations for travel and war. The engraving *Am Kongo*allegiance, published in *Im Innern Afrikas* in 1891, depictsbut the movement’s leaders alongside also participated in warfare, commerce in captives and alliances with European explorerscolonial agents. Historian “Sons of Hemp” is its familiar translation. Geographer Chris S. Duvall identifies the seated men, from left to right, as Chingenge, Sangula and Mukenge. Mukenge, labelledprefers “Kalambapeople of the riamba” on: European observers could not reliably distinguish the original platelocal words for people and children, holds a large calabash water pipe between his legsand later writers supplied competing translations. ## The colonial record What is known comes from outsidersfamiliar English name should not decide who belonged or what they believed. The German explorers [Paul Pogge](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Pogge) ## Trade and [Hermann Wissmann](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hermann_von_Wissmann) reached these Kasai communities in 1881, and their accounts, written on the eve of colonial rule, arefirst gardens Duvall traces the main source. The pipe-maker Alfred Dunhillmovement's origins to an encounter around 1864 between Mukwajanga, writing in 1924a Cokwe elephant hunter and trading intermediary from Angola, added that by 1884and Chishimbi, a king in the region had set up a "riamba" cult "in place of fetishLuba-worship"speaking leader. No account by a member survives in the sources used here, and everything below should be read withIn that in mind. *Bashilenge* is a historical ethnographic designation used in these accountsreconstruction, not necessarily the communities’ own preferred name. The engraving is likewise a colonial documentary image: European travellers selected the scene and framed the people they depended on as guards, porterssmoked together and political alliesChishimbi planted cannabis after trying it. Their descriptions of friendship do not establish an entirely peaceful or egalitarian society. Leadershiprelationship opened access to firearms, warfarecloth and unequal relations belong to this history tooother goods. ## How it began Cannabis was new toThe account comes through later sources, particularly the regionPortuguese traveller Henrique Dias de Carvalho. It may have been brought toIts approximate date concerns this local political story, rather than the Congo basin onlyfirst arrival of cannabis anywhere in the 1850s, byCongo Basin. It offers no basis for assigning the movement's origins to Swahili traders arriving from Zanzibar;. Chishimbi credited the wordplant with his trading success. His *riambalubuku* is, a society of the same familyfriendship, joined smoking to a programme of commercial openness and greater political centralisation. The greeting *moyo* signified an oath or life in Duvall's account; it should not simply be translated as hemp. *Riamba* belongs to the Angolanregional family of words that includes [diamba](/culture/language/diamba/). According to## A movement divided Chishimbi died around 1873. Sources disagree about the explorerssuccession, it began with small clubs of smokers bound to one another by friendshipthe relationships between leaders, and even whether particular terms were names or titles. The clubs grew into a movementMukenge and Chingenge emerged as competing authorities. [Sangula Meta](/culture/people/sangula-meta/) sustained the movement into something like a religion's religious teachings; her precise family relationship to the men remains uncertain. The accounts describe adherents calling themselves Bena RiambaGerman explorers Paul Pogge and using *Lubuku*Hermann von Wissmann were interested participants in this politics. Their African allies supplied guards, friendshipporters and access to the region. Wissmann favoured Mukenge, for their countrywhile Dias de Carvalho's account favoured Chingenge. They greeted one another withReading only the word Germans makes their preferred leader appear more representative than the evidence warrants. *moioBashilenge*, which meant both hempprominent in European descriptions, was not a neutral community name. Duvall notes that the people so designated disliked it and lifeidentified as Baluba. Labels hardened through warfare and colonial administration, obscuring a shared language beneath competing political identities. ## What was done | Occasion | The place of hemp | |---|---| | Joining | New members were initiated with the pipeSmoking, usually before a war or a long journey | | Daily life | Each man was expected to take partbelonging and authority Accounts describe followers gathering to show his devotion by smoking often | | Travel and war | Taken before setting out; it was held to protect against every kind of harm | | Trade and peace | No holidaysmoke, no trade agreementsing, dance and no peace treaty was concluded without it | share food. Large cannabis gardens surrounded settlements. The calabash water pipe was a great gourdcould affirm friendship and trust, including during dealings with outsiders. Pogge Smoking also served coercive purposes. Duvall describes judicial ordeals in which participants continued until someone lost consciousness, and Wissmann found large plotshumiliating initiation procedures imposed on defeated leaders. Accounts of hemp planted roundrejecting older weapons coexist with the villages to supply itacquisition of rifles. The explorers reported that Rhetoric about peace did not prevent warfare or the Bena Riamba attributed universal powerssale of women and children to the planttrading partners. Later writers compared These reports require care: surviving descriptions are partial, frequently sensationalised and written by observers with interests of their own. They nevertheless contradict the pipe to the peace pipelater image of North Americaa universally peaceful cannabis society. Shared smokingReligious fellowship and authoritarian power could signal friendship or agreement, butinhabit the same accounts also describe its use before war;institution. ## What the comparison should not turnengraving records The *Am Kongo* engraving, published in *Im Innern Afrikas* in 1891, places Chingenge, Sangula and Mukenge alongside European explorers. Duvall identifies those three seated figures from left to right. Mukenge, labelled “Kalamba” on the plate, holds a political movement intolarge calabash water pipe. The image preserves named participants and their material culture through a storycolonial documentary frame. It does not give an unmediated view of universal peacea ceremony. ## The law[1881 encounter](/history/dr-congo-bena-riamba-1881/) is a moment in that followed The region was absorbed into King Leopoldrecord, not the movement's founding date. The movement fragmented as conflict intensified and the Congo Free State within a few years of the explorers' visitexpanded its power. The new state took a different view. An order of 1899 dealt withDuvall traces reports into the destruction of confiscated hemp1890s, and in 1903 anrather than a single agreed ending. The later [1903 ordinance "against the use of smoking hemp"](/history/congo-free-state-hemp-ordinance-1903/) prohibited growing, selling, carrying, possessing and using it. Offenders faced a fine of 100belongs to 1,000 francs and from fifteen days to a yeardistinct phase of penal servitude. Village chiefs were made jointly liable for the fines. Nothingcolonial control; it should not stand in the sources used here says how the movement ended. ## Now The Democratic Republic of the Congo still prohibits cannabis for anything but medicine, industry and science, which a directivean explanation of 2021 allows under licence. In short histories of cannabis in the country the movement survives as a single line: in the 1880s the "People of Cannabis" popularised its ritual use in the south-west's decline.

A late nineteenthcannabis-century religious and politicalcentred movement among Luba-speaking communities ofin the nineteenth-century Kasai, known as the Sons of Hemp. Shared whose shared pipes expressed friendship and belonging, in aallegiance. Its history recorded chiefly by European outsidersalso involves trade, political rivalry, coercion and colonial alliances.

language/diamba, language/bangi, traditions/the-morning-pipe, people/sangula-meta

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A *bhajan* is a devotional song, sung together rather than performed to an audience: one voice leads, the group answers, and a harmonium, a tabla and small hand cymbals keep the time. In Kathmandu, *bhajans* brought people together to sing Hindu devotional hymns. Anthropolo … overning who could share, what conduct was admired and what behaviour drew criticism. ## The singing goes on The circles outlived the cannabis market. In 2015 the writer Srizu Bajracharya sat in on the morning bhajan at Jan Bahal, near Asan bazaar, for *ECS Nepal*. Its leader, Man Krishna Wawa, had sung there for more than forty years, and had taken over the group when he was young; he played the harmonium, a companion the tabla, and the rest followed. The first song was always for Ganesh, then the singing moved on to Govinda, Kali, Shiva and Saraswati, much the range of deities Fisher had listed. Asked what he got from it, Wawa said he sang because he enjoyed it and came away feeling serene. The feature worried that the old songs and the stories behind them were being forgotten. It says nothing about cannabis, and the photographs of the group show none: whether any of today's circles still pass a chilam, as some did in Fisher's time, is not known from it. ## A record at the edge of prohibition Nepal [cancelled cannabis cultivation and trading lic … beside the better-known stories of ascetic smoking and Kathmandu's tourist hashish shops.

ECS Nepal — Srizu Bajracharya, The songs of the past (issue 160, March 2015) 1 unchanged

src ../../src/assets/culture/bhajan-jan-bahal-2015.jpg · alt Documentary color photograph of Nepali men seated together on floor mats inside a Kathmandu devotional gathering space, with religious pictures on the walls. · caption A traditional bhajan gathering in Kathmandu, documented by ECS Nepal in 2015. Anthropological accounts from the 1970s describe similar devotional circles where participants sometimes shared cannabis. · credit ECS Nepal, 2015 · credit url https://ecs.com.np/features/the-songs-of-the-past

In the Jamaican communities described by anthropologist Lambros Comitas, a *herb camp* wa … ettings in an early-1970s research programme, published in *Cannabis and Culture* (1975). No photograph of a herb camp from those years is known to this site. The picture above is context, not evidence: it shows workers of the Jamaica Broadcasting Corporation passing the time with dominoes during their 97-day strike in 1964, the kind of game that also filled the camps, and nothing in it concerns cannabis. They belong to his wider account of working-class social life under prohibition. They shou … ting in [Jamaica](/country/jm/), without establishing the present extent of those venues.

Library at PBCJ — The 1964 JBC strike (17 March 2025) 1 unchanged

src ../../src/assets/culture/jbc-strike-dominoes-1964.jpg · alt Historical black-and-white photograph of Jamaican men gathered around a domino table in a modest wooden shelter in 1964. · caption Jamaican men playing dominoes during the 1964 JBC strike. Informal games and conversation were also characteristic of the herb camps described by Lambros Comitas in the early 1970s. · credit Public Broadcasting Corporation of Jamaica / JBC historical archive · credit url https://www.libraryatpbcj.com/post/the-1964-jbc-strike

The sebsi is Morocco's cannabis pipe: a long thin stem of wood with a clay bowl no bigger … linated female flower and the tobacco a local black one. ## Smoked and eaten Before the 1960sexpansion of export hashish production, cannabis in Morocco was grown in small quantitiessupplied domestic smoking and used at homeedible preparations. ItIts use was smoked innot confined to the sebsihousehold: cafés, markets and it was eatenparticular religious communities also belonged to that history. | Form | What it is | |---|---| | Kif in the sebsi | Chopped flower and tobacco, a pinc … proved. His account should not be generalised to every Moroccan community or every period. Hashish, Duvall describes a contrasting case in the pressed resin[Heddawa brotherhood](/culture/traditions/the-heddawa/), whose followers incorporated kif into devotional chanting and movement. A specific religious tradition can coexist with secular café smoking and religious opposition elsewhere. Large-scale hashish production is a late arrival. Beforelater development than the first Western travellers came, only small pieces of Lebanese hashish wereherbal kif tradition. Duvall notes that an often-cited 1921 account actually concerns Algeria; extending that date to be foundMoroccan manufacture is an inference. By Paul Bowles's account, resin was still rarely sold in the countryMorocco in 1961. It is widely believedThese observations qualify stories that Moroccans began making it duringassign a single inventor or introduction date to the years of the visitorscountry' influence, and there are competing legends about who taught whoms hashish industry. ## A habit the state once sold The sebsi and its kif were legal for most of their hist … erbal remedy and not as a dangerous drug, an argument that leans on exactly this history.

The African Roots of Marijuana 5 unchanged

traditions/the-heddawa, language/kif

*La santa rosa*, the sacred rose, is a ritual name for cannabis in a Mexican religious practice documentedIndigenous communities of eastern Mexico, first described by anthropologist Roberto Williams-Garcia, who began observing it in 1953. In his account, the plant belonged on an altar with incense, bells, Catholic images and … familiar Spanish saintly name is therefore part of a particular religious vocabulary. It may echo Saint Rose of Lima, the first canonised saint of the Americas, and in colonial Inquisition records *Santa Rosa* was one of several names the Spanish used for sacred plants, peyote among them. But the sacred rose is not the Catholic saint: she is the plant itself. It is distinct from the ordinary slang [mota](/culture/language/mota/), and this Mexican account … tions/santa-maria-in-santo-daime/) merely because both use sacred names for cannabis. ## The Lady-Flower of the Otomí Six decades later the name was still in use further inland. Anthropologist Antonella Fagetti did fieldwork in 2017 among the Otomí of Pantepec, in the Sierra of Puebla, and reports that the Otomí of Querétaro, the State of Mexico, Puebla and Hidalgo use cannabis as a sacred plant. In Pantepec it is called Santa Rosa and also *Xünfö Dëni*, "Lady-Flower". It is kept in a basket of her own, with flowers, candles and drinks around it, as in the photograph above. It has two tasks. It is consulted, as other sacred plants are, and it is eaten during the *costumbre*, the ceremony of petition and thanks, so that the sacred beings, the Ancient Ones, can come down to the altar and enjoy the offering. Ritual specialists, the *bädi*, and the women who accompany them, the *zidëni*, "who eat the flower", receive Santa Rosa and other beings in their own bodies; both, Fagetti writes, are chosen by the plant or by the Patron for the work. When Santa Rosa arrives, her informants said, you set your own heart aside and hers comes in. Fagetti's account describes a different people, place and time from Williams-Garcia's. The two records share the name, the altar, the offerings and the sense of the plant as someone to be looked after; they should not be read as one ceremony. ## A record made under prohibition The observations postdate Mexico’s [1920 marijuana ban](/ … l record; later legal debates about personal cannabis use belong to a different question.

In a Mexican community near the Gulf coastIndigenous communities of eastern Mexico, cannabis was cared for on an altar, shared in ceremonies and understood as a sacred presence. An ethnographer documented the practice in 1953; among the Otomí it is still called the Lady-Flower.

santa rosa, sacred rose, San Antonio, Xünfö Dëni, Señora-flor, Lady-Flower

Antonella Fagetti — Plantas sagradas en México, pasado y presente, Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino 28 (1), 2023 1 unchanged

src ../../src/assets/culture/santa-rosa-basket-pantepec.jpg · alt Traditional Otomí ceremonial basket decorated with flowers and greenery, surrounded by candles, drinks, and sacred offerings. · caption La Santa Rosa in her ceremonial basket, surrounded by offerings in an Otomí ritual setting in Mexico. Photograph published by Antonella Fagetti, 2023. · credit Antonella Fagetti / Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino · credit url https://boletinmuseoprecolombino.cl/html/03-fagetti-28-1/

A Dutch coffeeshop is a café where adults can buy and smoke small amounts of cannabis. It … tatute itself stays on the books, largely because the international treaties require it. Stephen Snelders’s history adds the supply side to this account. Imported cannabis was already reaching Dutch users through networks linked to countercultural circles and maritime trading communities before the later retail policy. His argument is that established relationships and environments helped make those networks effective. A reform of possession rules did not create the supply chain from nothing. The chapter also distinguishes the rise in recorded offences and seizures from estimates of users or total imports. That matters when describing the growth of the market: a police count measures what authorities recorded, while a model of undetected trade depends on assumptions. ## The house rules A shop is left alone as long as it keeps to the national criteria. | … bars are now widespread in Thailand, and exist in Canada and parts of the United States.

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In the slang of the jazz age cannabis was *tea*, and a *tea pad* was a room or an apartme … women and four men, who worked undercover in bars, dance halls, theatres and parks. They countedestimated about 500 tea pads in Harlem and at least as many peddlers, drawing on observations and conversations with sellers and operators. This was an informed estimate, not a complete census. ## Inside a pad The investigators described the pads as furnished for the clientele they … 5 cents | | Gungeon | Africa, by common opinion | About a dollar, for richer customers | Ernest L. Abel’s 1980 history retells the distinction between these market grades and connects the middle-priced cigarette with Mezz Mezzrow’s reputation. The names and claimed origins belonged to a trading vocabulary; they were not verified genetic varieties or a laboratory ranking of national cannabis potency. The common names for the cigarettes were muggles, reefers, Indian hemp, weed, tea, gage and st … n of the tea pads remains the most detailed record of them, made by people sent to watch.

In New York between the wars, cannabis was smoked in rented rooms called tea pads, most of them in Harlem, with a radio or a nickelodeon playing. The city's own investigators countedestimated about 500 and found them calmer than the newspapers said.

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