books analyzing

Hansard — Sale of Ganja, House of Commons, 16 July 1891 1 unchanged

Pipes with traces ofPipe residues suggest cannabis are smokedsmoking in medieval Ethiopia

Smoking pipes excavated in Ethiopia and carbon-dated to about 1320 were found to hold traces of cannabis, according toTwo ceramic pipe bowls from Lalibela Cave near Lake Tana came from a chemicallayer with an associated radiocarbon date reported as 1320 ± 80 CE. A study published in 1975 interpreted faint chromatographic spots in their residues as evidence of cannabis smoking. The identification relied on proposed degradation products, not direct detection of THC, and the date belongs to the archaeological context.

Cannabis Smoking in 13th–14th Century Ethiopia: Chemical Evidence Wikipedia — Cannabis in Ethiopia

The assistant minister of transport, Keoagile Atamelang, toldannounced proposed Road Traffic Act amendments at a consultative meeting in Kgomokasitwa that the government would amend the Road Traffic Act to ban driving under the influence of drugs and other intoxicating substances. The Act as it stands, he said, targets onlydescribing existing provisions as targeting drunk drivers and leaves those impaired by recreational drugs or prescription medicineswhile leaving drug impairment largely unaddressed. That is the announcement's characterisation, not an accurate statement that drug driving was lawful: published section 46(2) already prohibits driving while unfit through drugs, with penalties under section 46(4). No commencement date or enacted replacement was givenestablished by this report.

Botswana Attorney General's Chambers — Road Traffic Act, sections 46(2) and 46(4) 1 unchanged

UnderPossession of 60 g carriesor less remains an offence, but a December 2025 amendment excludes prison and caps the fine of up to 20at P10,000 pula or up to three years; most small cases end in fines. A 2025 Act allows licensedLicensed medical, research and industrial cannabis is permitted.

Cannabis (dagga, or motokwane) is prohibited byUnder the amended Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act 2018. Possession, possession of less than 60 g carriesor less of cannabis (dagga, or motokwane) is a low-level offence with a fine of up to 20P10,000 pula or prescribed alternatives; the person shall not be imprisoned. A notice requires payment within 21 days, with mandatory rehabilitation as prescribed. Above 60 g but below 1 kg, the published law provides up to P20,000, three years in prison, or both; more than 60 g carries a fine ofabove 1 kg, up to 500P500,000 pula, ten years, or both. The text does not resolve exactly 1 kg. Cannabis preparations have a separate provision carrying up to tenP20,000, three years, or both.

dndrug_amend25, lawdrug_current, drug_commence25

Magistrates' courts hear a steady stream of small dagga cases, most ending inOlder court reporting describes fines with prison in default of payment. The amendment effective 22 December 2025 instead excludes imprisonment for low-level cannabis possession, including nonpayment, and provides prescribed alternatives and rehabilitation. Implementation of those programmes and post-amendment sentencing practice remain unverified.

dn, drug_amend25, drug_commence25

There is no legal recreational supply for anyone. PossessionThe amended Act treats possession of less than 60 g carriesor less as a low-level offence with a fine of up to 20P10,000 pula or up to three years in prisonprescribed alternatives, mandatory rehabilitation as prescribed, and no imprisonment. This does not authorise purchase, cultivation, sale or bothimportation, under the Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act 2018no separate exemption for visitors was verified.

dndrug_amend25, lawdrug_current

Botswana Attorney General's Chambers — Road Traffic Act, Chapter 69:01, published consolidation Botswana Daily News — proposed Road Traffic Act amendments (25 February 2026) Botswana Attorney General's Chambers — Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (Amendment) Act 26 of 2025 Botswana Attorney General's Chambers — Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act, as amended in 2025 Botswana Attorney General's Chambers — Act 26 of 2025 commencement record 5 unchanged

impairment

Road Traffic Act section 46(2) prohibits driving or attempting to drive while unfit through drugs. Section 46(4) provides P5,000–10,000, two–five years in prison, or both; being in charge without driving is a separate offence. Section 48 permits drug-analysis evidence from specimens taken within three hours and gives refusal evidential consequences. The published section 53 contains overlapping licence provisions: subsection (3) specifies two–five years for section 46(2), while (3A) specifies one–three years for section 46 generally. Their application needs judicial clarification. The February 2026 announcement of a proposed drug-driving ban does not establish that existing section 46 excludes drugs. No numerical THC cutoff or current roadside cannabis-testing practice was verified.

traffic, driving26

Algeria Official Gazette 36 of 17 May 2026 — Law 26-09 of 12 May 2026, Road Code 8 unchanged

impairment

Road Code 26-09, promulgated on 12 May 2026 and published on 17 May, replaces Law 01-14. Article 137 provides one–two years in prison and DZD100,000–200,000 for driving, or accompanying a learner, under the influence of narcotics or psychotropic substances. Article 143 applies the relevant intoxication penalties to refusal of the prescribed breath, medical, clinical or biological examinations. Under article 160 a court may additionally withdraw or suspend the licence for up to five years; this is discretionary, not an automatic five-year ban. Suspected drug influence also permits vehicle immobilisation under article 173. Article 80 separately requires professional transport recruits to provide medical analyses showing no drug consumption, with periodic and unannounced examinations during employment. No numerical THC cutoff or full operational testing regulations were verified. Article 188 retains earlier implementing texts until replacement regulations; older offence numbers and penalties should not be substituted for the new code.

road_code26

Morocco General Secretariat of Government — Road Code 52-05, Arabic consolidation dated 10 July 2024 9 unchanged

impairment

The government's July 2024 consolidation of Road Code 52-05, article 183, prohibits driving under the influence of narcotics or certain medicines after which driving is forbidden. It provides six months–one year in prison and MAD5,000–10,000, or either punishment, plus a court-ordered licence suspension of six months–one year. Repetition within five years of a final judgment for similar conduct doubles both penalties and the suspension. The same article applies to instructors accompanying learners and refusal of the specified tests or checks. Article 99 provides a six-point deduction for drug-influence driving or the listed refusals; it is distinct from the court suspension. Articles 213–214 distinguish screening from subsequent medical, clinical and biological checks after a positive result, refusal or inability to undergo screening. A numeric THC cutoff, medical-cannabis exemption and amendments after this consolidation were not verified.

road_code24

Mauritius Prime Minister's Office — Annual Report on Performance 2024–25, Forensic Science Laboratory Mauritius Ministry of Land Transport — Road Traffic (Amendment) Act 6 of 2019 Mauritius National Assembly — Road Traffic (Amendment) Act 2019 (Amendment) Act 6 of 2022 Mauritius Office of the President — Road Traffic (Amendment) Act 15 of 2026 4 unchanged

zero

The Road Traffic Act's drug schedule lists delta-9-THC (cannabis) among drugs with zero tolerance, separately from medicines with specified blood limits. Section 123E covers driving, attempting to drive, being in charge and supervising a learner while under the influence of a listed drug. Section 123G distinguishes a saliva or urine preliminary drug test from laboratory blood or urine testing; refusal without reasonable excuse after the required warning can be prima facie evidence, rather than an automatically confirmed THC result. The 2022 amendment corrected the drug list to the Thirteenth Schedule and the field assessment to the Fourteenth. The government's 2024–25 performance report confirms that its forensic laboratory began reporting drug-driving cases in July 2022. The 2026 Act changes interim licence orders and creates vehicle seizure provisions, but different sections require proclamation on different dates. The complete current penalty and licence regime, commencement of the seizure provisions and a medical-prescription defence remain unverified here; the older ministry reprint must not be used as a complete current consolidation.

traffic19, traffic22, traffic26, traffic_performance

Tanzania Office of the Attorney General / Solicitor General — Road Traffic Act, Chapter 168, revised edition 2023 Zanzibar House of Representatives — Road Transport Act 7 of 2003, published text 7 unchanged

impairment

On the mainland, the Road Traffic Act's 2023 revised edition section 53 prohibits driving, attempting to drive or being in charge on a road or public place while drugs make proper control impossible. Section 75(2)(b) provides TSh15,000–50,000 or two–five years in prison; section 33(1)(a) requires licence cancellation and disqualification for at least three years on a first section 53 conviction. These are the published 2023 provisions, not a verified 2026 ticket tariff. Zanzibar has a separate Road Transport Act: section 123(1)(a) also uses impaired control, and its published 2003 text provides a first-offence minimum fine equivalent to US$75 in shillings or at least six months in prison, or both. Repeat convictions normally entail at least fifteen months' disqualification, subject to the court's special-reasons exception. Later Zanzibar amendments, current testing procedures and a numeric THC cutoff were not verified; alcohol thresholds must not be applied to cannabis.

traffic2023, zanzibar_traffic

Cannabis in Nepal: An Overview James Fisher — Cannabis in Nepal, an overview (1975; OFDT bibliographic record and abstract) 1 unchanged

Rwanda treats cannabis as one of the most serious drugs in its penal law, and at the same … development board expects export income and jobs, and a special export levy is planned. A study ofHelen Codere’s 1959 to 1960–60 research, published in *Cannabis and Culture* (1975), found that photo-questionnaire respondents mostly associated cannabis with Twa men, while also mentioning other users. This was evidence of social attitudes, not a national prevalence survey or proof that use in Rwandawas exclusively confined to the Twa minorityone community. A health minister first proposed medical use in 2010. The order changes no score for [Rwanda](/country/rw/): nothing in it reaches a person living there.

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The Social and Cultural Context of Cannabis Use in Rwanda 3 unchanged

Bhang is the leaf of the cannabis plant, ground to a green paste and eaten or drunk. It is the mildest of the three Indian preparationsterminology distinguishes it from the flowering tops and resin; the only one that India's national drug law leaves alonealso treats those materials differently. ## Leaf, flower, resin Indian usage divides the plant in three, and the law follows th … there because [India's delegates insisted on it](/history/india-bhang-exemption-1961/). Historical usage was less exact than the statutory distinction. Mills reproduces the 1894 commission's warning that *bhang* could name a drink made from flowering material as well as leaves. The commissioners also found regional differences, including places where *ganja* was the more general word. An old reference to bhang therefore does not establish its botanical ingredients or its status under a later law. ## How it is made The leaves are ground with a mortar and pestle. For a drink the paste i … mom and saffron, and bhang [lassi](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lassi), made with curd. Khwaja A. Hasan’s 1975 chapter describes [thandai gatherings](/culture/traditions/thandai-gatherings/) where relatives or friends ground ingredients together while discussing household matters and prices. His account also records caste boundaries between groups. It describes social preparation in particular north Indian settings, not an undifferentiated national custom. It is also eaten. Mixed with ghee and sugar it becomes a halva; rolled into peppery balls it … national survey of 2019, more people reported taking bhang than smoking ganja or charas.

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Social Aspects of the Use of Cannabis in India Cannabis Britannica: Empire, Trade, and Prohibition, 1800–1928 5 unchanged

Dagga is what cannabis is called in South Africa and its neighbours. It is a Khoekhoe wor … t; some scholars doubt that anyone could confuse two plants with such different flowers. Brian du Toit’s chapter in *Cannabis and Culture* (1975) stresses the identification problem in these early accounts. Descriptions of chewing roots or making small cakes may refer to *Leonotis* or other plants, while later descriptions explicitly identify hemp. A colonial spelling of *dagga* is therefore evidence for the word, but not always secure evidence for the botanical species. Where the Khoekhoe word itself comes from is argued over. | Theory | Proposed by | |---|- … ](/history/south-africa-private-purposes-act-2024/): the legislators preferred the Latin.

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Dagga: The History and Ethnographic Setting of Cannabis sativa in Southern Africa 5 unchanged

Ganja is the Hindi word for the flowering tops of the cannabis plant. It is one of the ol … is today the ordinary word for the plant from Kingston to Bangkok. ## What it names In India the terminology reflected by modern Indian law, the word is exactspecific. *Gāñjā* is the flowering or fruiting top, as against [bhang](/culture/language/bhang/), … d defines it that way. It comes from Sanskrit *gañjā*. English had borrowed it by 1689. The 1894 commission also recorded exceptions to this vocabulary. In the passage reproduced by James H. Mills, flowering material made into a drink could be called *bhang*, while *ganja* sometimes had a broader regional meaning. Historical product names should therefore be read in their local context rather than treated as uniform botanical definitions. ## A government crop The British in India did not ban ganja; they licensed it. From 1798 … g/wiki/File:Ganja_Smoking_-_Gangasagar_Fair_Transit_Camp_-_Kolkata_2013-01-12_2646.JPG") Lambros Comitas’s 1975 chapter treats Jamaican ganja as a social institution rather than only a smoking habit. His early-1970s research distinguishes smoking, medicinal teas and tonics, external applications and occasional food uses. The Indian-derived word had entered a much broader Afro-Jamaican household vocabulary; the study does not establish modern national prevalence or the effectiveness of those remedies. The chapter also records [herb camps and yards](/culture/traditions/jamaican-herb-camps/), where the word belonged to neighbourhood trade and company. Users described ganja as helping them work, while people seeking higher status might avoid the same practice as a class marker. Those are documented beliefs and social judgements, not proof of a work-enhancing drug effect. ## To South-East Asia Cannabis is thought to have reached South-East Asia from India, and … 1915 and 1925 ordinances | | [Thailand](/country/th/) | The everyday and official word |

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The Social Nexus of Ganja in Jamaica Ethnobotanical Aspects of Cannabis in Southeast Asia Cannabis Britannica: Empire, Trade, and Prohibition, 1800–1928 5 unchanged

*Ḥashīsh* is an ordinary Arabic word for dried grass or fodder. As the name of a drug it … y/pk/), [India](/country/in/) | Long traditions of use under the names bang and charas | The social meaning was not uniform even within Morocco. In a chapter published in 1975, Phyllis Palgi reports that Moroccan Jewish informants in Israel described avoiding hashish in Morocco as a boundary between Jewish and Muslim social life. Some adopted it after migration as older relationships changed. This was an interpretation of particular informants and marginal groups, not evidence of a universal Moroccan-Jewish smoking tradition or a measure of prevalence. ## The word now Western Europe remains the largest market for the resin. In the United St … , a form also known as *prensado*. Its blocks should be distinguished from pressed resin.

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The Traditional Role and Symbolism of Hashish among Moroccan Jews in Israel and the Effect of Acculturation 4 unchanged

*Hemp* is an old English name for cannabis and for the fibre obtained from its stems. Tod … ed. None of these customs requires the crop to be understood primarily as an intoxicant. European literature also celebrated that material world. In the [Third Book of Pantagruel, published in 1546](/history/france-rabelais-pantagruelion-1546/), François Rabelais praises a plant called Pantagruelion, identified by Martin Booth as hemp. The episode concerns useful fibre and its many applications. It is a literary counterpart to the everyday crop, rather than evidence that Rabelais smoked cannabis. ## A threshold written into law In the [United States](/country/us/), the [2018 Farm Bill … word's statutory meaning can change while its older material meaning stays recognisable.

us-farm-bill-2018, us-hemp-thc-limit-enacted-2025, france-rabelais-pantagruelion-1546

Cannabis: A History 3 unchanged

Kif comes from the Arabic *kīf*: joy, pleasure, well-being. The word named the feeling be … s sieved from dried flowers, the raw material of [hashish](/culture/language/hashish/) | Roger Joseph’s field study, published in *Cannabis and Culture* (1975), provides a precise earlier use of the word. In his account of the Rif economy in 1965–66, *kif* could name the harvested plant, the chopped material or its tobacco mixture. That vocabulary belongs to a particular local market and period; it is not simply the modern English name for loose resin glands. The English sense comes from the Rif as well, by a different road. In making Moroccan hash … ds less water than imported seed. Smoking kif remains illegal, as it has been since 1956.

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The Economic Significance of Cannabis sativa in the Moroccan Rif 2 unchanged

*Má*, 麻, is the Chinese word for hemp and among the oldest names for the plant recorded anywhere. For most of Chinese history it meant cloth, rope, oil and medicine. The same character also means numb, which isa meaning that later scholars have connected with the nearest the classical language comes to admitting what else the plant can do’s intoxicating uses. ## The character and its compounds | Written | Read | Meaning | |---|---|---| | 麻 | má … mámù | Numb | | 麻醉 | mázuì | Anaesthetic, narcotic | | 麻蕡, 麻花, 麻勃 | máfén, máhuā, mábó | Terms in the medical textsNames for particular parts of the malehemp inflorescences and female flowersfruiting parts; historical identifications vary | | 大麻 | taima (Japanese) | Hemp; borrowed from the Chinese | The plain wordIn Hui-Lin Li’s 1975 account, *má* is often joined withbroadened to name other fibre plants. The compound *dàdàmá*, “great hemp”, because by itself it carriesdistinguished cannabis within that wider vocabulary. It was not simply a way to avoid the suggestion of numbnessmeaning numb. The botanist [Li Hui-lin](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hui-lin_Li) drew the obvious conclusionproposed a further interpretation. The stupefying effect of the plant, he argued, was "commonly known from extremely early … hina-jirzankal-study-2019/) held the residue of cannabis rich in THC, burned at burials. Li also traces the character to a representation of fibres hanging beneath a roof. His chapter distinguishes hemp’s place in ordinary material life from hypotheses about ancient intoxication. The linguistic interpretation does not by itself prove when people first used cannabis for its effects. Hemp cloth also carried ritual meaning. Li points to mourning garments prescribed in the *Book of Rites*, connecting a common textile with duties to deceased parents. His account describes a historical Chinese custom, not evidence that every present-day mourning garment is cannabis fibre. He also discusses hemp rags and fishing nets as materials in early papermaking. These uses help explain why a word for the plant could remain central even where intoxicating preparations were uncommon. ## Trade In the nineteenth century Xinjiang was a large producer of hashish, with Yarkand … 1948](/history/japan-cannabis-control-act-1948/) is in Japanese the *Taima* Control Act.

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The Origin and Use of Cannabis in Eastern Asia: Their Linguistic-Cultural Implications 4 unchanged

*Maconha* is the Brazilian word for cannabis. It is African: from *ma'kaña* in Kimbundu, … the capital, cannabis accounted for twelve seizures for every one of any other narcotic. Harry William Hutchinson’s 1975 chapter questions the evidence behind that reputation. He found that a 1958 government collection largely recycled older medical and police reports, while social research was scarce. His own work in Bahia did not substantiate claims that cannabis belonged generally to Afro-Brazilian religious ceremonies. The names *diamba*, *liamba* and *pango* document regional vocabulary; they do not establish a single custom shared by every community associated with them. ## A word you could be jailed for Under the military dictatorship, maconha became linked … Afro-Brazilian. The word of the 1830 ordinances is now the one on the marchers' banners.

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Patterns of Marihuana Use in Brazil 6 unchanged

*Spliff* is a Jamaican word for a hand-rolled cannabis cigarette. It is first recorded in … and lit only when the prayer is finished. The alternative is the chalice, a water pipe. Lambros Comitas's early-1970s account places the spliff in a wider working-class social world. Adult smokers often gathered with workmates or trusted neighbours, bringing their own cigarettes or taking turns supplying an evening's ganja. His [herb camps and yards](/culture/traditions/jamaican-herb-camps/) were places of informal trade and company, rather than necessarily religious gatherings. The portable cigarette also differed from a conspicuous pipe. Comitas describes smaller adult networks alongside larger, less stable adolescent groups. The same object could accompany a work break, a visit or experimentation among peers. Those are observations from a historical study, not a rule that every Jamaican smoked or used the same preparation. ## In Britain and Europe The word spread to Britain and through the rest of Europe. There … e also taking cannabis with tobacco. *Spliff* is the name the habit acquired in English. ## A familiar word under prohibition Jamaica's [1913 Ganja Law](/history/jamaica-ganja-law-1913/) made familiarity with a spliff different from permission to possess cannabis. The [2015 reform](/history/jamaica-ganja-reform-2015/) changed small-possession penalties and recognised specified sacramental uses. It did not make the everyday word a separate legal category. The history of the term and the legal treatment of its contents need to be read together.

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The Social Nexus of Ganja in Jamaica 1 unchanged

jamaica-ganja-law-1913, jamaica-ganja-reform-2015

Jack Herer turned the case against cannabis prohibition into a story about hemp. His book … r and fossil fuels | The author's claims, repeated widely, not established findings | ## An argument built from many names The opening chapter deliberately assembles words such as hemp, marijuana, ganja and bhang as names for one plant. This is a campaigning device: it asks readers familiar with a prohibited drug to reconsider the ordinary crop behind the name. The argument moves between American colonial cultivation, medicines and industrial uses to make prohibition seem inconsistent with that longer history. Those names do not always identify the same product. [Bhang](/culture/language/bhang/), flowering tops, resin and fibre have different preparations and legal histories. Herer's rhetorical unity should not erase those distinctions or turn every historical claim in the opening chapter into a verified fact. The book also contains other voices. A prologue in the available later text is signed by lawyer Michael E. Rose on 13 May 1998. Its account of arrests and sentencing is Rose's intervention in the debate, not a passage written by Herer in the original 1985 edition. ## The movement In 2000 he had a heart attack and a stroke at the BioFach trade show and recover … unterculture Hall of Fame for his book. Nearly every seed bank now sells its own version.

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At Holi, the spring festival of colours, much of north India drinks cannabis. The leaf is … via Wikimedia Commons | https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bhang_(4381292529).jpg") Hasan’s account in *Cannabis and Culture* (1975) places preparation itself at the centre of social life. At the [thandai gatherings he describes](/culture/traditions/thandai-gatherings/), conversation continued through the slow grinding of ingredients. Such meetings could be organised by kinship, friendship or caste, and caste groups did not necessarily share a gathering. This is a historical account of sociability, not proof that every Holi celebration followed the same rules. ## Not only Hindus, not only Holi The same drink belongs to other calendars. The Nihang S … has received complaints of misuse of prohibition act against those found drinking bhang."

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Social Aspects of the Use of Cannabis in India 5 unchanged

*Freak Street* is the travellers' name for Jhochhen in Kathmandu. During the 1960s and ea … ion. Closing the licensed market and criminalising personal conduct were separate steps. Fisher’s contemporary account also looks beyond Kathmandu. Cannabis had provided cash income in the western hills, and some dealers responded to the loss of licences by diversifying into handicrafts. The closure affected an agricultural and trading network, not only a tourist street. That sequence distinguishes Freak Street from Copenhagen's [Pusher Street](/culture/tradit … counter between tourism, local enterprise and a market that [Nepal](/country/np/) closed.

Cannabis in Nepal: An Overview 4 unchanged

In a Scottish Halloween courtship charm recorded by Robert Burns, a person scattered hemp … serving as eyewitness documentation of Jamie Fleck or evidence of cannabis consumption. Sula Benet’s comparative survey in *Cannabis and Culture* (1975) records another marriage-divination setting: hemp associated with St Andrew’s Eve in Poland and seed-sowing charms in Ukraine. These are related examples of an agricultural plant used to imagine a future spouse, not evidence that Burns’s Scottish Halloween rite was identical or that cannabis was consumed. ## A familiar crop before prohibition The charm belongs to a different cultural setting f … the other. Both document a cultural imagination shaped by a familiar agricultural plant.

Early Diffusion and Folk Uses of Hemp 4 unchanged

Egypt has used hashish for eight or nine hundred years and has been trying to stop for at … | | Smoked in the *gozah* | The gozah is the traditional Egyptian water pipe. In a study of 1980published in 1971, 89.4% of the selected prisoner users smoked, most of them with itreported smoking without oral consumption; the water pipe was the commonest method | | Mixed | *Bosa* combined cannabis with darnel; a water-pipe blend added henbane | The figures come from M. I. Soueif’s [1971 study](/history/egypt-soueif-prison-study-1971/) of 850 male cannabis users imprisoned in 1967–68, compared with 839 non-user prisoners. Another 9.3% combined smoking with oral consumption. These are descriptions of a selected prison sample, not estimates for all Egyptians. In his 1975 chapter, Ahmad M. Khalifa describes shared sessions with a supervisor called the *Sultan*, who took the first draw from each fresh load. An attendant tended the water, fire and pipe as it passed around the circle. This records one account of sociability under prohibition, rather than a protocol followed by every smoker. ## Six centuries of bans | When | Who | What they did | |---|---|---| | 14th century | Th … illion plants [were destroyed in one year, 1994](/history/egypt-sinai-eradication-1994/).

egypt-french-ban-1800, egypt-first-ban-1868, egypt-destruction-order-1877, egypt-import-ba … gulation-proposal-1892, egypt-warnock-asylum-statistics-1895, egypt-sinai-eradication-1994, egypt-soueif-prison-study-1971

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Traditional Patterns of Hashish Use in Egypt M. I. Soueif — The use of cannabis in Egypt: A behavioural study, Bulletin on Narcotics 23(4), 17–28 (1971) 2 unchanged

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The Origin and Use of Cannabis in Eastern Asia: Their Linguistic-Cultural Implications 5 unchanged

The sebsi is Morocco's cannabis pipe: a long thin stem of wood with a clay bowl no bigger … s versions with opium and datura seed as well | | In food | Mixed into ordinary dishes | Kif also had an occasional placeRoger Joseph described the pipe as *sibsa* in Sufihis Rif field study published in 1975: a walnut-wood stem that could be dismantled into two connecting sections, fitted with a baked-clay bowl. Rural traders supplied cafés at weekly markets, where small portions of the chopped mixture were sold in empty matchboxes. These observations document the local preparation and social setting rather than a modern tourist presentation. Joseph also cautioned against treating this Rif custom as inherently mystical. In the communities he studied, smoking was associated especially with middle-aged and older men, and prominent local religious ritualbrotherhoods often disapproved. His account should not be generalised to every Moroccan community or every period. Hashish, the pressed resin, is a late arrival. Before the first Western travellers came, o … erbal remedy and not as a dangerous drug, an argument that leans on exactly this history.

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The Economic Significance of Cannabis sativa in the Moroccan Rif 4 unchanged

Sadhus are Hindu ascetics who have left family and property behind. Among those devoted t … god, an aid to meditation, and a bond between the men who share the pipe. India and Nepal both banprohibit charas and ganja, but the plant. Neitherenforcement described at religious gatherings has seriously tried to stop thesometimes allowed sadhus to smoke openly. ## Who smokes The custom belongs to theis prominent among Shaiva orders, but is not confined to them. James Fisher’s interviews at Pashupatinath, reported in 1975, found cannabis-smoking sadhus from a wide range of Hindu sects. The Naga sadhus, the Aghoris and the Tantric Bhairava sects are said to smoke freely as an … ). Charas is venerated by some as an aspect of Shiva himself. Lay devotion surrounds it. It is said that manyFisher described Nepali households in India keep akeeping plants to offer cannabis plant in order to have something to give a passing sadhusadhus, and thatan act considered meritorious. His account also distinguishes ascetics from householders at some evening devotional[Kathmandu’s bhajan gatherings everyone present smokes](/culture/traditions/bhajan-circles-in-kathmandu/): sharing the pipe there expressed fellowship, but was optional. The singers worshipped several deities, not only Shiva. ## The pipe The chillum is a straight cone of clay, or sometimes of soft stone. A pebble- … Kathmandu became the last stop of the hippie trail. Under foreign pressure the government [cancelled the licences in 1973](/history/nepal-shops-closed-1973/) and banned the plant[enacted a broader prohibition in 1976](/history/nepal-narcotics-act-1976/). The temple took longer to change. | Year | What happened at Pashupatinath | |---|---| … lies outside it. Photographs from the melas show sadhus smoking in the open all the same.

nepal-pashupati-distribution-ended-1995, nepal-shivaratri-arrests-2018, india-ndps-act-1985, nepal-shops-closed-1973, nepal-narcotics-act-1976

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Cannabis in Nepal: An Overview 7 unchanged

*Siemieniotka*, also called *konopiotka* or *siemieniatka*, is a traditional hemp-seed so … ll served at Christmas Eve suppers, with recipes passed from one generation to the next. Sula Benet’s 1975 survey adds a different kind of evidence. She records hemp-seed Christmas Eve soup, spelling it *semieniatka*, in Poland and Lithuania and formerly Russia, and interprets the meal in relation to beliefs about deceased relatives visiting their families. This is her comparative folklore account, rather than proof that every contemporary Silesian household gives the soup the same meaning. ## The dish The name comes from *siemię*, seed. The seeds are boiled, rubbed free of thei … ffers another Baltic food tradition in which cannabis seeds are prepared for nourishment.

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Early Diffusion and Folk Uses of Hemp 8 unchanged

In mainland South-East Asia cannabis was a kitchen plant before it was a drug in anyone's … r-fries for fragrance and savoury flavour; intoxication was not necessarily the purpose. Marie Alexandrine Martin’s chapter in *Cannabis and Culture* (1975) supplies earlier field documentation, principally from Cambodia. She describes roasted cannabis leaves flavouring *sngao moan*, a chicken soup, and fresh leaves accompanying curries, vegetables and vermicelli soup. She also records leaves in fritters with *prahok*, fish paste, and stems used in Lao soups. Her explanation includes the flavour imparted to food, alongside reported psychoactive purposes. These are period observations, not a claim that the same practices occur throughout the region today. ## Outlawed on paper | Country | First banRestrictions in the historical record | In practice | |---|---|---| | [Thailand](/country/th/) | The [Cannabis Act of 1935](/hi … cotics Act of 1979](/history/thailand-narcotics-act-1979/) | | [Cambodia](/country/kh/) | Formally by 1961, to comply with the Single ConventionMartin reports an earlier cultivation prohibition; then by [a general drug law followed in 1996](/history/cambodia-ban-1996/) | Unenforced for decades. Cannabis was sold openlyMartin nevertheless observed open market sales in marketsher early-1970s field account | | [Laos](/country/la/) | Illegal under the [Law on Narcotics](/history/laos-law-on-narc … one the law now recognises, and the new recreational trade the one it is trying to close.

Ethnobotanical Aspects of Cannabis in Southeast Asia 5 unchanged

Réunion, a French island in the Indian Ocean, was settled from the late seventeenth centu … ice of cattle. At those feasts, Benoist wrote, cannabis cigarettes were smoked together. Creoles heldBenoist recorded a Creole stereotype that thiscannabis made the Malagasy people violent; this was a social judgement, not a demonstrated effect. He also noted that and the Creole phrase for losing one's temper is *son zamal y monte*, "his zamal is rising … . In some ceremonies the priest-healer is possessed, and only then does cannabis appear. The first words ofIn Benoist’s account, the spirit speaking through the priest are a demand fordemands *candia*, from ganjaa cigarette offered to the deity. An assistant quickly puts one to three cigarettes into the priest's mouth, and he smokes … is for people, Benoist explained, so the possessed priest must show no effect at all. His apparent indifference is thewas understood by participants as proof that the god iswas in him, a test like walking on fire or dancing on the blade of a cutlass. That sacred ro … and tobacco, and good local zamal was becoming scarce as imported hybrid strains spread.

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Réunion: Cannabis in a Pluricultural and Polyethnic Society 3 unchanged